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X  i^i^Ceer^ 



D  U  N  ST  E  R 

AND     OF     THE     FAMILIES     OF 
MOHUN      &     LUTTRELL 



Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Records. 



THE     ST.     CATHERINE     PRESS     LTD 





In  1880  and  1881,  I  contributed  to  the  Archoeo- 
logical  Journal  a  series  of  papers  on  '  Dunster  and  its 
Lords, '  which  were  afterwards  reprinted  for  private 
circulation,  together  with  a  descriptive  sketch  of 
Dunster  Castle  by  the  late  Mr.  G.  T.  Clark,  and  a 
chapter  on  the  Siege  and  Surrender  of  Dunster  Castle 
by  Mr.  E.  Green.  In  the  years  that  have  since 
elapsed,  I  have  collected  a  great  deal  of  fresh  material, 
and  I  have  now  thrown  the  result  of  my  researches 
into  a  different  form,  re-writing  the  book  from 
beginning  to  end  and  enlarging  it  threefold. 

The  successive  owners  of  the  Castle  have  always 
been  so  predominant  in  Dunster  that  I  have  again 
made  the  general  history  of  the  place  centre  in  the 
Mohuns  and  Luttrells.  It  has,  however,  seemed 
expedient  to  devote  a  separate  chapter  to  the  Castle 
in  which  they  dwelt,  and  another  to  the  remarkable 
church  in  which  the  parishioners  worshipped. 

In  view  of  the  growing  interest  in  the  history  of 
economics  and  social  life,  I  have  written  an  entirely 
new  chapter  on  the  Borough  and  the  Manor,  mainly 
based  upon  the  court-rolls.  A  chapter  on  the  topo- 
graphy of  Dunster  may  be  of  some  local  interest. 
As  the  parish  comprises  the  manors  of  Avill,  Staunton 
and  Alcombe,  and  the  reputed  manor  of  Foremarsh, 
or  at  any  rate  the  greater  part  of  them,  I  have  traced 
their    respective   histories   briefly,   but  without    any 


attempt  to  give  biographies  of  their  successive  owners. 
The  accounts  of  different  branches  of  the  families  of 
Mohun  and  Luttrell  not  directly  connected  with 
Dunster  printed  in  the  Appendixes  were  intended  to 
be  mere  genealogical  outlines,  but  they  have  extended 
to  such  a  length  that  I  have,  at  the  last  moment, 
found  it  desirable  to  divide  the  book  into  two  parts, 
paged  consecutively. 

A  few  words  must  be  said  with  regard  to  the 
original  authorities  upon  which  this  volume  is  based, 
although  no  explanation  is  necessary  in  the  case  of 
printed  books,  or  of  MSS.  in  the  Public  Record 
Office,  the  British  Museum,  the  College  of  Arms, 
the  Lambeth  Library,  and  other  great  collections. 
Much  of  my  material  has  been  derived  from  the 
muniments  at  Dunster  Castle,  which  are  very  rich  in 
conveyances  of  land,  court-rolls,  and  other  documents 
relating  to  the  estate.  They  were  arranged  in  thirty- 
eight  boxes  by  William  Prynne,  the  celebrated 
controversialist,  during  his  imprisonment  at  Dunster 
Castle  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
his  general  catalogue  of  them  was  afterwards  much 
improved  by  Narcissus  Luttrell,  a  man  of  some  liter- 
ary repute.  In  the  footnotes  to  the  present  work,  the 
muniments  at  Dunster  Castle  are  indicated  by  the 
letters  —  D.  C.  M.,  followed  by  the  number  of  the 
box  and  by  that  of  the  particular  document  quoted. 

When  using  manuscripts  in  the  same  collection 
subsequent  to  1650,  I  have  not  been  able  to  give 
specific  references,  the  classification  of  them  being  as 
yet  incomplete.  Most  of  these  later  manuscripts 
relate  to  land  or  to  matters  of  business,  almost  all 
the  old  family  correspondence  having  been  long  since 
destroyed  as  useless.  The  preservation  of  numerous 
letters  and  papers  concerning  elections  for  the  parlia- 


mentary  borough  of  Minehead  may  have  been  due 
to  an  idea  that  they  might  furnish  precedents. 

There  was,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  a  collection 
of  nearly  a  hundred  medieval  documents  in  Dunster 
Church,  relating  to  the  rights  of  the  burgesses  and 
the  endovi^ments  of  the  local  chantries.  Many  of 
the  more  important  of  them  have  disappeared,  a 
former  incumbent  of  the  parish  having  apparently 
considere;i  himself  free  to  do  what  he  would  with 
such  things.  A  century  ago,  a  well-known  antiquary 
unblushingly  referred  to  some  of  the  originals  as 
being  in  his  own  possession  ;  one  of  them  has  found 
its  way  to  the  Castle.  The  former  contents  of  one 
of  the  three  ancient  chests  in  the  Church  are  now 
represented  by  a  volume  of  indifferent  transcripts 
made  in  171 6,  which  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr. 
Luttrell.      I  have  referred  to  this  as  D.  C.  B. 

In  June  1908,  when  the  earlier  part  of  the  present 
book  had  been  already  printed,  there  was  offered 
for  sale  by  auction  in  London,  a  folio  volume  of 
170  leaves  of  parchment  catalogued  as  "  Cartularium 
et  jeodarium  Dominorum  de  Mohun'" }  On  inspection, 
this  proved  to  be  a  fragment  of  the  important  com- 
pilation made,  in  1350,  by  John  Osberne,  Constable 
of  Dunster  Castle,  as  mentioned  on  page  49  and 
elsewhere.  The  originals  of  many  of  the  documents 
transcribed  into  it  had  disappeared  before  Prynne's 
time,  but  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  such  of  them 
as  still  remain  in  Mr.  Luttrell's  muniment-room  are 
endorsed  "  irrotulatur^  "  in  evidence  that  they  had 
been  duly  entered  in  the  cartulary.  I  was  not  so 
fortunate  as  to  secure  this  manuscript  at  the  sale,  and 
I  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  direct  access  to  it  since. 

•    Sotheby,   Wilkinson    &    Hodge's    Catalogue    of   the    Phillipps    Collection, 
Lot  545. 


The  present  owner,  however,  who  wishes  to  remain 
anonymous,  has  very  kindly  supplied  me  with  full 
transcripts  of  some  of  its  contents,  notably  the  treatise 
on  agriculture  mentioned  on  page  321,  and  the 
agreement  between  the  monks  and  the  parishioners 
of  Dunster  mentioned  on  page  393.  I  take  this  op- 
portunity of  thanking  him. 

The  volume  mentioned  above,  contains  one  passage 
which  I  have  quoted  in  Latin  (page  351)  from  a 
series  of  extracts  made  by  Richard  St.  George,  Norroy 
King  of  Arms,  in  1610,  when  the  cartulary  belonged 
to  Sir  Reynold  Mohun  of  Boconnoc.  The  remainder 
of  St.  George's  extracts,  to  which  I  have  occasionally 
referred,  came  from  leaves  which  are  now  unfortun- 
ately missing. 

Some  particulars  about  the  foundation  of  Newen- 
ham  Abbey  given  in  Chapter  I,  are  taken  from  a 
transcript  kindly  lent  to  me  by  the  late  Mr.  John 
Brooking  Rowe,  of  Plympton,  of  a  register  of  that 
monastery  in  the  Phillipps  Library  at  Thirlestaine 
House,  Cheltenham. 

Another  manuscript  source  of  information  has  been 
a  "  Historical  account  of  the  family  of  the  Lutterells, 
from  the  Conquest,  collected  from  records,  history, 
pedigrees  and  registers,  by  Narcissus  Luttrell,  Esq.  " 
This  is  a  collection  of  notes  arranged  in  successive 
reigns  down  to  1729,  which  have  in  some  cases 
guided  me  to  original  authorities,  and  in  other  cases 
supplied  genealogical  particulars  about  the  younger 
branches  of  the  Luttrell  family.  The  manuscript 
was  at  one  time  the  property  of  Dr.  Luttrell  Wynne, 
grandson  of  the  compiler's  sister,  and  it  seems  to 
have  passed  to  Mr.  Edward  W.  Stackhouse,  whose 
heir,  Mr.  W.  C.  Pendarves  very  appropriately  gave 
it  to  the  present  owner  of  Dunster  Castle. 


Mr.  E.  Green  has  again  kindly  permitted  me  to 
reprint,  with  some  trifling  verbal  alterations,  his 
paper  on  the  Siege  and  Surrender  of  Dunster  Castle. 
It  is  now  incorporated  with  my  own  text,  and 
divided  into  two  sections,  extending  respectively  from 
page  1 80  to  page  182,  and  from  page  187  to  page 
194.      I  am  much  indebted  to  him  in  the  matter. 

In  quoting  from  documents  written  in  Latin  or 
French,  I  have  translated  as  literally  as  circumstances 
would  permit,  giving  any  interesting  or  doubtful 
words  in  the  original  language.  In  English  quota- 
tions, I  have,  through  the  force  of  habit,  retained  the 
old  spelling,  while  extending  abbreviations  and  punc- 
tuating according  to  sense.  Dates  between  the  i  st  of 
January  and  the  25th  of  March,  the  old  beginning  of 
the  year,  have  been  given  throughout  according  to 
modern  practise. 

I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  cumber  my 
pages,  already  too  full  of  the  names  of  obscure  per- 
sons, with  lists  of  the  owners  of  property  at  Dunster 
at  different  periods.  My  friend  Mr.  Hancock,  the 
present  Vicar  of  the  parish,  has  printed  lists  of  the 
churchwardens  and  overseers,  copies  of  epitaphs,  and 
extracts  from  the  local  registers.  His  monograph  on 
the  Church  and  Priory  has  been  constantly  by  my 
side,  but  I  have  been  constrained  to  differ  from  him 
on  some  historical  points  and  in  the  interpretation  of 
various  documents. 

Most  of  the  full-page  illustrations  that  appeared  in 
my  former  book  were  printed  from  stones  long  since 
destroyed.  In  place  of  them,  there  is  now  a  much 
larger  series  of  illustrations,  executed  by  photographic 
processes  of  the  Swan  Engraving  Company  and 
others.  The  view  of  the  Gateway  of  the  Lower  Ward 
(p.  351)  is  from  a  negative  by   Miss  Luttrell.      All 


the  others  are  from  my  own  negatives  of  landscapes, 
buildings,  portraits  and  other  objects.  The  Earl  of 
Mount  Edgcumbe  very  kindly  sent  the  great  Luttrell 
carpet  from  Cotehele  to  Dunster,  so  that  it  might 
be  examined  and  photographed.  The  woodcuts  of  the 
Mohun  and  Luttrell  Seals  were  drawn,  in  1880,  by 
my  wife  and  the  late  Professor  Delamotte,  for  the 
Archceo logical  Journal. 

Mr.  Luttrell  has  not  only  given  me  every  facility 
for  consulting  his  manuscripts  and  for  taking  photo- 
graphs in  the  Castle,  but  has  also  shown  a  continual  and 
appreciative  interest  in  my  work.  Mr.  J.  H.  Davis, 
his  sub-agent,  has  also  been  very  helpful,  especially 
with  regard  to  the  topography  of  the  town.  While 
dealing  with  difficult  architectural  problems  connected 
with  the  Church,  I  have  received  many  valuable 
suggestions  from  Mr.  W.  H.  St.  John  Hope,  Mr.  F. 
Bligh  Bond,  and  Mr.  F.  C.  Eeles.  To  Mr.  W.  A. 
Lindsay,  Windsor  Herald,  and  Mr.  Everard  Green, 
Rougedragon  Pursuivant,  I  am  indebted  for  access  to 
manuscripts  in  the  College  of  Arms.  Other  friends 
have  helped  me  in  various  ways,  and  I  cannot  con- 
clude without  expressing  my  thanks  to  several  of  my 
colleagues  at  the  Public  Record  Office,  especially 
Mr.  Harley  Rodney,  who  has  examined  the  proof 

3  PoRTMAN  Square. 

March  1909.  H.  C.  M.  L. 


Dunster  is  situate  in  the  Hundred  of  Carhampton, 
in  the  western  division  of  the  county  of  Somerset, 
162  miles  from  London,  22  from  Taunton,  and  15 
from  the  confines  of  Devonshire.  The  parish  is 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Bristol  Channel,  on  the 
east  and  south  by  the  parishes  of  Carhampton,  Lux- 
borough,  Timberscombe,  and  Wootton  Courtenay, 
and  on  the  west  by  that  of  Minehead.  It  contains 
2870  acres,  of  which  about  a  third  are  uncultivated. 
The  rateable  value  is  4933/. 

A  ridge  known  anciently  as  Grobfast,  and  now  as 
Grabbist,  rises  in  the  parish  to  a  height  of  760  feet 
above  the  sea,  while  the  rich  pastures  below  are  only 
a  few  feet  above  the  level  of  high  tide.  The  little 
town  of  Dunster  stands  on  a  saddleback,  sheltered  on 
the  south  by  the  hanging  woods  and  the  heathery 
uplands  of  the  Park,  on  the  west  by  the  steep  slopes 
of  Grabbist,  and  on  the  north  by  those  of  Conygar, 
where  oaks  and  hollies  have  taken  the  place  of  rough 
pasture  frequented  by  rabbits.  At  the  southeastern 
extremity  of  the  town  is  the  isolated,  conical  hill 
known  as  the  '  Tor  ',  for  centuries  crowned  by  the 
defensive  works  of  a  mighty  castle. 

The  views  from  the  higher  ground  in  the  parish 
of  Dunster  are  remarkable  for  their  beauty  and  variety. 
Although  comparatively  circumscribed  on  the  south  by 
a  bare  spur  of  the  Brendon  Hills,  they  extend  westward 


up  the  rich  vale  of  Avill  to  Dunkery,  the  highest 
point  of  Exmoor,  and  one  of  the  highest  points  in 
the  west  of  England.  On  the  north,  they  command 
a  long  stretch  of  the  Welsh  Coast,  backed  by  the 
Brecon  Beacons  and  other  mountains.  Eastward,  they 
range  over  a  great  expanse  of  sea  and  land,  the  Flat 
Holmes,  the  Steep  Holmes,  Brean  Down  at  the  end 
of  the  Mendip  Hills,  the  alabaster  cliffs  near  Watchet, 
and  the  long  line  of  the  Quantocks,  being  prominent 
features  in  the  landscape. 

The  parish  is  traversed  by  a  clear  stream  descending 
from  Exmoor,  formerly  known  as  the  Dunster  River, 
but  now  usually  called  the  Avill,  which  supplied 
motive  power  for  several  grist-mills,  and  for  various 
fulling-mills  now  disused.  Numerous  rills  flowing 
out  of  it  irrigate  the  rich  meadows  on  either  side. 
In  the  lower  part  of  its  course,  the  main  stream  is 
now  the  boundary  between  the  parishes  of  Dunster 
and  Carhampton.  After  winding  its  way  through 
alluvial  land  near  Marsh,  it  discharges  into  the  Bristol 
Channel  by  the  Hawn,  the  ancient  haven  of  Dunster, 
frequently  mentioned  in  medieval  documents,  but 
now  silted  up. 

The  site  of  Dunster  must  have  been  known  to  the 
Roman  colonists  of  Britain,  for  some  copper  coins  of 
the  reigns  of  Maximian  and  Constantine  were  found, 
about  1863,  in  the  Park,  close  to  the  former  highway 
from  Gallocks  Cross  to  Carhampton.  Its  recorded 
history,  however,  does  not  begin  before  the  time  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  when  it  belonged  to  a  certain 
^Ifric  (Aluric),  who  also  held  Broadwood,  Avill,  and 
Bratton,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood.  All  these 
places  were  bestowed  by  William  the  Conqueror 
upon  William  de  Moion,  one  of  his  Norman  followers, 
the  first  of  a  long  series  of  feudal  barons. 


The  site  of  William  de  Moion's  castle  is  described 
in  the  Exchequer  Domesday  as  '  Torre  ',  and  in  the 
Exeter  Domesday  as  '  Torra  '.  In  a  charter  granted 
by  him  to  the  monks  of  Bath,  between  the  years 
1090  and  1 1 00,  the  place  is  called  '  Dunestore'  and 
'  Donesthorra  '.  The  second  part  of  the  compounded 
name  indicates  a  projecting  rock,  like  the  Tors  of 
Devonshire  and  Derbyshire.  The  origin  of  the  first 
part  of  the  name  is  less  certain.  Inasmuch  as  the 
place  is  never  called  Duntor,  or  Dunetor,  any  inter- 
pretation must  take  account  of  the  '  s  '  or  '  es  '  vv^hich 
alv^^ays  precedes  the  final  syllable.  Tv^o  alternatives 
seem  possible.  Dunster  may  have  been  the  '  tor '  of 
the  dunes,  or  hills  ;  or  it  may  have  been  the  '  tor  '  of  a 
man  named  Dun.  In  support  of  the  latter  theory,  it 
may  be  observed  that  among  the  estates  granted  to 
William  de  Moion  by  the  Conqueror  were  one  at 
Exford  which  had  belonged  to  Domno  or  Donnus, 
and  another  at  Elworthy  which  had  belonged  to 
Dunne  or  Dunna. 

Ecclesiastically,  Dunster  is  in  the  Archdeaconry 
of  Taunton,  and  it  gives  its  name  to  the  Deanery  of 
which  it  is  the  chief  place.  Its  cruciform  church  is, 
from  an  architectural  point  of  view,  the  most  impor- 
tant in  the  neighbourhood.  The  parish  comprises 
the  ancient  manors  of  Dunster,  Avill,  Staunton  and 
Alcombe,  and  part  of  the  reputed  manor  of  Foremarsh. 
The  population,  which  was  772  in  1801,  had  risen 
to  1 1 84  by  1 85 1,  since  which  time  it  has  been 
practically  stationary.  The  local  woollen  industry 
being  extinct,  most  of  the  inhabitants  are  connected 
with  agriculture.  There  are  various  shops  in  the 
town  of  Dunster,  and  a  few  at  Alcombe. 



The  Mohuns  of  Dunster,  1066- 1404      ....  i 

The  early  Luttrells,  1191-1403      .....  59 

The  Luttrells  of  Chilton  and  Dunster,  1 337-1 485    .  .  75 


The  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  1485-1551     ....  129 


The  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  1 551-1644     .         .  .  .  166 


The  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  1644- 17 37     .         .         .         .  i86 

The  Fownes  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  1 737-1 780.         .         .         225 


The  Fownes  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  17  80- 1908.         .         .         262 


The  Borough  and  the  Manor  of  Dunster  .  .         .         276 



The  topography  of  Dunster  ......         329 

Dunster  Castle 349 

Dunster  Church  and  Priory  .  .  .  .  .  .  383 


The  Manor  of  Avill 434 


The  Manor  of  Staunton         ......         443 


The  Manor  of  Alcombe 455 


Lower  Marsh       ........         458 


The  Mohuns  of  Ham  Mohun  in  Dorset . 
The  Mohuns  of  Fleet  in  Dorset 
The  Mohuns  of  Hall  and  Boconnoc  in  Cornwall 
The  Mohuns  of  Tavistock     .... 
Some  Mohuns  not  placed        .... 



The  Arms  and  Seals  of  the  Mohuns         ....  498 


The  Luttrells  of  Irnham  in  Lincolnshire ....  505 

The  Luttrells  of  East  Down  in  Devonshire  and  Spaxton  in 

Somerset       .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  510 

The    Luttrells    of    Honibere    in    Somerset    and    Hartland 

Abbey  in  Devonshire     .  .  .  .  .  .  513 


APPENDIX    C.    (CONT.) 

The  Luttrells  of  Saunton  Court  in  Devonshire,  and  their 

descendants.  ...... 

John  Luttrell  of  Mapperton  in  Dorset  and  his  descendants 
The  Luttrells  of  Rodhuish  in  Somerset    . 
Alexander  Fownes  Luttrell  (i)  and  his  descendants    . 
Francis  Fownes  Luttrell  and  his  descendants    . 
Alexander  Fownes  Luttrell  (2)  and  his  descendants   . 



The  Luttrells  of  Luttrellstown  near  Dublin  .  ,  .  539 


The  Arms  and  Seals  of  the  Luttrells        .  .  .  .  54  ^ 


List  of  the  Priors  of  Dunster.  .  .  .  .  .  552 

List  of  the  Vicars  and  Curates  of  Dunster  .  .  .  553 


GENERAL    INDEX  .  .  .  56 1 



Sir  John  Luttrell. 

Dunster  Castle,  from  the  river 

Joan,  Lady   de  Mohun,  and  Philippa,  Duchess  of 

(after  Stothard)      .... 
Effigies  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  and  his  wife 
Arms  of  Sir  James  Luttrell    . 
Dame  Elizabeth  Luttrell 
Arms  of  Sir  Andrew  Luttrell 
George  Luttrell    ..... 
Col.  Francis  Luttrell     .... 
Mary  Luttrell  (Lady  Bancks) 
Anne  Luttrell  (Mrs.  Pleydell) 

Dorothy  Luttrell 

Alexander  Luttrell        .... 
Margaret  Fownes  Luttrell  (Mrs.  Southcote) 
Mary  Drewe  (Mrs.  Fownes  Luttrell) 
John  Fownes  Luttrell  . 
George  Fownes  Luttrell 
Dunster,  from  the  Hanger 
The  Grist-mill,  Dunster 
The  High  Street,  Dunster 
Overmantels,  Dunster  . 

To  face  title. 





Luttrell  Arms  Hotel,  Dunster,  the  entrance     . 

A  cottage  doorway,  St.  George's  Street,  Dunster 

Gallocks  bridge,  Dunster 

A  cottage  doorway.  Water  Street,  Dunster 

Map  of  the  town  of  Dunster . 

Gateway  of  the  Lower  Ward,  Dunster  Castle 

Plan  of  the  Gatehouse,  Dunster  Castle    . 

The  Gatehouse,  Dunster  Castle,  from  below 

South-west  view  of  Dunster  Castle. 

The  Stables,  Dunster  Castle  . 

The  Great  Staircase,  Dunster  Castle 

Plan  of  the  mansion-house,  Dunster  Castle 

Antony  receiving  Cleopatra   . 

Antony  crowning  Cleopatra  . 

The  Gatehouse,  Dunster  Castle,  from  the  Green  Court 

Turned  chair,  Dunster  Castle 

Fireplace  in  the  Hall,  Dunster  Castle 

Dunster  Church,  from  the  south     . 

Dunster  Church,  interior 

Arch  in  the  south  transept,  Dunster  Church 

Plan  of  Dunster  Church 

Lower  Marsh,  the  entrance   . 

Seals,  1-3    . 

Seals,  4-7    . 

Sir  Andrew  Luttrell 

Charlotte  Drewe  (Mrs. 

Seals,  8-10  . 

Seals,  1 1 -1 4 

Seals,  15-18 

Seals,  19-22 

Seals,  23-27 

Seals,  28-35 

F.  Fownes  Luttrell) 




Old  tile  in  Dunster  Church,  with  the  arms  of  Mohun 
Standard-bearer,  from  the  Luttrell  Psalter 
Swan-marks  ...... 

Pipe-head  at  East  Quantockshead    . 
Shield  at  the  Luttrell  Arms  Hotel  . 
Heraldic  Tablet  on  the  Gate-house,  Dunster  Castle 
John  Wyther  and  Agnes  Wyther  .  .  , 

Old  glass  quarry  in  Dunster  Church 
Fragment  of  ancient  glass,  Dunster  Church 
Elizabethan  chalice  and  paten,  Dunster  Church 
Thomas  Mohun  ...... 

John  Mohun  and  Anne  Mohun 






The    Mohuns   of   Dunster 
1066 — 1404. 

William  de  Mohun,  the  progenitor  of  the  noble 
house  which  held  Dunster  for  more  than  three 
centuries,  and  flourished  afterwards  in  Cornwall  and 
Dorset,  took  his  name  from  Moyon  near  St.  Lo  in 
Normandy,  in  which  country  the  family  had  consid- 
erable possessions  until  its  separation  from  the  crown 
of  England.  His  descendants  in  turn  gave  their 
name  to  Hammoon  in  Dorset,  to  Ottery  Mohun  and 
Tormoham  in  Devon,  and  to  Grange  Mohun  in  the 
county  of  Kildare.  In  England,  their  surname  was 
spelt  at  different  times  Moion  and  Moyon,  Moiun 
and  Moyun,  Moun,  Mooun,  Moyhun  and  Mohun, 
and  just  as  the  illustrious  name  of  Bohun  degenerated 
into  Boon,  that  of  Mohun  got  corrupted  into  Moon  \ 
With  regard  to  the  pronunciation  of  it,  there  is  an 
interesting  note  of  the  fourteenth  century  to  the 
effect  that  the  change  from  Moion  to  Mohun  had 
involved  the  loss  of  a  syllable.  ^ 

The  domain  of  Moyon  is  mentioned  in  1027  as 
part  of  the  dower  of  Adela,  Duchess  of  Normandy, 
but  nothing  whatever  is  known  as  to  the  parentage 
of  WilUam  de  Mohun  who  came  over  to  England 

'  For  the   sake  of   uniformity,    the      following  pages,  except  in  quotations, 
name  will  be  given  as  Mohun  in  the  •  Devon  Notes  &  Queries,  vo].  iv.  p.  20. 

2  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.         ch.  i. 

with  William  the  Conqueror.  ^  There  is  an  oft- 
repeated  statement  that  he  then  had  in  his  retinue 
fifty-seven  (or  forty-seven)  "  stout  knights  of  name 
and  repute,  "  and  a  narrative  in  old  French  professes 
to  enumerate  them.      It  begins  : — 

"  Be  it  known  that  in  the  year  of  the  grace  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  one  thousand  and  sixty-six,  on  Saturday  the 
feast  of  St.  Calixtus,  came  William  the  Bastard,  Duke  of 
Normandy,  cousin  of  the  noble  king  St.  Edward,  the  son 
of  Emma  of  England,  and  killed  King  Harold  and  took 
away  the  land  from  him  by  the  aid  of  the  Normans  and 
other  men  of  other  lands  ;  among  whom  came  with  him 
Sir  William  de  Moion  the  old,  the  noblest  of  all  the  host. 
This  William  de  Moion  had  in  his  retinue  in  the  host  all 
the  great  lords  after  named,  as  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of 
the  Conquerors.  " 

Then  follows  a  list  of  fifty-seven  names,  among 
which  may  be  noticed  those  of  Marmion,  Paignel, 
Basqueville,  Corcye,  Lacy,  Columbers,  Bullebek, 
Tregoz,  Montfichet,  and  Bigot.  ^  This  has  been 
described  as  "  a  following  worthy  of  an  Emperor." 
When,  however,  we  turn  to  Wace's  Roman  de  Rou^ 
we  there  find  the  same  names  standing  in  the  same 
order,  but  with  this  important  difference  that  of 
William  de  Mohun  we  read  only  : — 

"  Le  viel  JVillam  de  Moion 
Out  avec  li  maint  compaignon. 

Wace  does  not  even  hint  that  the  knights  whose 
names  follow  that  of  Mohun  were  in  any  way 
dependent  on  him,  and  it  is  now  practically  certain 
that  the  whole  story  is  due  to  an  unscrupulous  Abbot 
of  Newenham  who  wished  to  gratify  the  vanity  of 
the   Mohuns  living  in  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth 

•  Rotuh  Scaccarii  Normannice  (ed.  *  Leland's  Collectanea,  vol.  i.  p.  202. 

Stapleton),  vol.  i.  pp.  Ixxxii,  Ixxxiii. 

CH.i.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  3 

century.  ^  As  Mr.  Planche  remarks,  this  writer 
might  "  have  included  half  the  army  if  an  unmistake- 
able  full  stop  and  change  of  subject  had  not  pulled 
him  up  short  with  the  death  of  Robert  Fitz  Erneis. 
....  Le  Livre  des  Conquerors  turns  out  to  be  the 
Roman  de  Rou.  "  ^ 

Although  William  de  Mohun  is  styled  *  le  viel^ 
it  does  not  follow  that  he  was  aged  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  Conquest,  the  epithet  being  applied  to 
distinguish  him  from  his  namesake  who  was  living 
when  Wace  wrote  his  poem. 

Turning  from  fable  to  fact,  we  find  that  William 
de  Mohun  was  a  person  of  considerable  importance 
in  the  reign  of  William  the  Conqueror,  who  assigned 
to  him  a  large  estate  in  the  west  of  England,  formed 
by  the  aggregation  of  lands  that  had  belonged  to 
various  Englishmen  killed  or  ejected.  At  the  time 
of  the  Domesday  Survey  of  1086,  he  held  fifty-six 
separate  manors  in  Somerset,  eleven  in  Dorset,  one 
in  Devon  and  one  in  Wiltshire.  The  greater  number 
of  these  had  already  been  apportioned  by  him  to 
different  tenants,  to  be  held  of  him  and  his  heirs  on 
the  usual  conditions  of  military  service.  Several  of 
these  tenants  had  more  than  one  manor  apiece. 
Most  of  them  bore  Norman  names  and  were  doubt- 
less men  who  had  come  over  in  the  train  of  the 
Conqueror.  In  one  case,  an  Englishman  had  been 
suffered  to  continue  in  possession,  although  placed  in 
subjection  to  the  new  Norman  lord.  ^ 

Eighteen  of  the  manors  in  Somerset  and  six  of 
those  in   Dorset  remained  in  William  de   Mohun's 

'  Devon  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  iv.  ^  "  Brictric  holds  of  William  Sorde- 

pp.  249-250.  maneford.  The  same  Brictric  held  it  in 

2  The  Conqueror  and  his  Companions,  the  time  of  King  Edward.  "    Domesday 

I  vol.  ii.  p.  22.  Book,  f.  96. 

4  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

own  hands  in  1086,  but  the  number  was  gradually 
reduced  by  the  enfeoffment  of  fresh  knights  and  by 
grants  to  several  religious  houses.  Some  of  the 
manors  most  distant  from  Dunster  were  also  exchanged 
with  the  king,  before  the  year  i  1 00,  for  that  of 
Carhampton  and  the  Hundred  of  the  same  name. 
One  effect  of  this  was  that  the  little  Hundreds  of 
Cutcombe  and  Minehead,  which  are  mentioned  in  the 
Gheld  Inquest  of  1084,  became  ere  long  absorbed  into 
the  Hundred  of  Carhampton.  The  castle  built  by 
William  de  Mohun  on  the  isolated  Tor  which  gave 
its  name  to  Dunster,  became  the  head  of  an  important 
Honour,  or  Barony,  comprising  forty  knights'  fees 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  First,  and  afterwards 
enlarged.  The  manors  retained  in  demesne  about 
the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  were  those  of 
Dunster,  Minehead,  Cutcombe,  Kilton  and  Car- 
hampton in  Somerset,  and  Ham  in  Dorset. 

Reverting  to  Domesday,  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that 
William  de  Mohun  kept  thirty-six  brood  mares  at 
Cutcombe  and  twenty-two  at  Brewham  at  the  other 
end  of  the  county.  He  was  Sheriff  of  Somerset  at 
the  time  of  the  Gheld  Inquest  of  1084  and  at  that 
of  the  great  survey  of  1086.  Indeed  it  is  probable 
that  he  held  office  for  a  considerable  period,  and  that 
he  was  sometimes  known  as  '  William  the  Sheriff.' ' 
His  estate  at  Stockland  came  to  be  called  '  the 
Sheriff's  town,  '  afterwards  corrupted  into  '  Shereve- 
ton'  or  'Shurton,'  and  some  of  his  land  near  Kilton  is 
still  known  as  '  Shervidge. '  ^  On  the  other  hand  his 
manor  of  Sheriff's  Brompton  (Brunetone  Vicecomitis) 
eventually    lost    that   name    and    became   Brompton 

'  Bruton  Cartulary,  no.  3.  Wilts  alike  belonged  to  sheriffs  in  1086. 

*  Shroton  in  Dorset  and  Shrewton  in 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  5 

Ralph,   when    held   under   the   lord   of   Dunster  by 
Ralph  son  of  William  son  of  Durand  de  Mohun. 

A  translation  of  the  charter  of  the  first  William  de 
Mohun  to  the  monks  of  Bath  will  be  given  in  a 
subsequent  chapter,  and  in  this  place  it  is  only 
necessary  to  observe  that  it  mentions  his  wife  Adelisa, 
his  sons  Geoffrey  and  Robert  and  his  brother  Wilmund. 
Durand  the  steward  (dapifer)  also  mentioned  in  it 
seems  to  have  been  known  later  as  Durand  de  Mohun, 
but  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  he  was  a  relation 
of  the  Norman  lords  of  Dunster  or  merely  a  native 
of  Moyon  who  held  under  them. 

William  de  Mohun  the  second  was  almost  cer- 
tainly a  son  of  the  Conqueror's  companion  in  arms.  ^ 
Whether  he  was  the  firstborn  is  more  problematical 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  he  is  not  named,  either  as  a 
consenting  party  or  as  a  witness,  in  the  very  important 
charter  by  which  his  predecessor  granted  the  church 
of  Dunster  and  other  endowments  to  the  monks  of 
Bath.  The  earliest  notice  of  him  is  in  the  year  11 3 1, 
when  he  attended  the  council  of  Northampton.  ^ 
Seven  years  later,  he  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal nobles  who  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Empress 
Maud  against  Stephen,  his  castle  of  Dunster  being 
reckoned  as  one  of  the  main  strongholds  of  her 
party.  ^  In  describing  the  events  of  11 38,  a  hostile 
chronicler  writes  as  follows  : — 

"  At  that  time,  William  de  Moiun,  a  man  not  only  of 
the  highest  rank  but  also  of  illustrious  lineage,  raised  a 
mighty  revolt  against  the  King,  and,  collecting  some  bands 

'  A  charter  of  William  de  Mohun,  father  and  his  father.    D.  C.  M.  xvi.  7. 

which  may  be  ascribed  to  the  third  of  ^  Sarum  Charters,  (R.  S.)  p.  7. 

that  name,  confirms  the  gifts  made  to  ^  Henry  of  Hntitiugdoii,  (R.  S.)  p.  261. 
Ihe  church  of  Dunster  by  his  grand- 

6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

of  horsemen  and  footmen  at  his  fortress,  which  he  had 
placed  in  a  fair  and  impregnable  position  by  the  sea-shore, 
began  to  overrun  all  that  part  of  England  in  warlike  manner, 
sweeping  it  as  with  a  whirlwind.  At  all  places  and  at  all 
times,  laying  aside  his  loyalty,  he  set  himself  to  work  his 
cruel  will,  to  subdue  by  violence  not  only  his  neighbours 
but  others  living  afar  off,  to  oppress  with  robbery  and 
pillage,  with  fire  and  sword,  any  who  resisted,  and  merci- 
lessly to  subject  all  wealthy  persons  whom  he  met  to  chains 
and  tortures.  By  so  doing,  he  changed  a  realm  of  peace 
and  quiet,  of  joy  and  merriment,  into  a  scene  of  strife  and 
rebellion,  weeping  and  lamentation. 

"  When  in  course  of  time  these  doings  were  made  known 
to  the  king,  he  gathered  his  adherents  together  in  a  mighty 
host  and  marched  with  all  speed  to  put  an  end  to  WiUiam's 
savagery.  But  when  he  came  to  a  halt  before  the  entrance 
of  the  castle  and  saw  the  impregnable  defences  of  the  place, 
inaccessible  on  the  one  side  where  it  was  washed  by  the 
tide  and  very  strongly  fortified  on  the  other  by  towers  and 
walls,  by  a  rampart  (vallo)  and  outworks,  he  gave  up  all 
hope  of  carrying  it  by  siege,  and,  taking  wiser  counsels, 
blockaded  the  castle  in  full  view  of  the  enemy,  so  that  he 
might  the  better  hold  them  in  check  and  occupy  the 
neighbouring  country  in  security.  He  also  gave  orders  to 
Henry  de  Tracy,  a  skilled  soldier,  oft  approved  in  the 
hazards  of  war,  that  acting  in  his  stead,  because  he  was  called 
away  to  other  business,  he  should  with  all  promptitude  and 
diligence  bestir  himself  against  the  enemy. 

"  Henry  therefore,  in  the  King's  absence,  set  forth  from 
Barnstaple,  a  town  belonging  to  him  and  enjoying  privileges 
granted  to  him  by  the  King,  and  made  vigorous  and  deter- 
mined attacks  on  his  foes,  so  that  he  not  only  restrained  their 
wonted  sallies  and  their  unbridled,  marauding  raids  in  the 
neighbourhood,  but  also  captured  a  hundred  and  four 
horsemen  in  one  cavalry  encounter.  At  length,  he  so 
reduced  and  humbled  William  that  he  was  able  to  abandon 
further  hostilities  against  him  and  to  leave  the  country  more 
peaceful  and  free  from  such  disturbance.  "  ' 

'  Gesta  Stephani,  (R.  S.)  pp.  51,  52. 



CH.  I.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  7 

Considering  that  the  writer  shows  a  minute  know- 
ledge of  places  in  the  west  of  England  such  as  Bristol, 
Bath  and  Exeter,  it  may  seem  strange  that  he  should 
describe  Dunster  Castle  as  situate  on  the  coast. 
There  is,  however,  no  doubt  that  the  sea  in  that 
neighbourhood  has  receded  considerably  since  his 
time,  and  it  has  been  suggested  as  possible  that  the 
low   ground  on   the  east  was  sometimes  flooded. 

Tracy's  operations  certainly  did  not  reduce  William 
de  Mohun  to  final  subjection,  and  his  royal  mistress 
set  so  high  a  value  on  his  services  to  her  that  she 
raised  him  to  the  rank  of  an  earl  between  the  months 
of  April  and  June  1 141.  Under  the  name  of  '  Earl 
William  de  Moion,  '  he  was  a  witness  to  a  charter 
issued  by  her  at  Westminster  at  Midsummer  in  that 
year.  ^  The  anonymous  chronicler  already  quoted  is 
in  error  both  as  to  the  date  of  the  creation  and  as  to 
the  title  bestowed,  for  he  says  that  at  the  siege  of 
Winchester,  which  was  in  August  and  September 
1 141,  the  Empress  created  William  de  Mohun  Earl 
of  Dorset.  ^  There  is  no  doubt  that  William  de 
Mohun  styled  himself  '  Earl  of  Somerset. '  ^  In  most 
cases,  he  is  described  simply  as  '  the  Earl.  '  ^  The 
chronicler's  confusion  as  to  the  title  is  pardonable  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  for  administrative  purposes 
Somerset  and  Dorset  were  often  reckoned  as  one 
county,  having  a  sheriff  in  common. 

Some  years  before  this,  William  de  Mohun  had 
married  a  lady  named  Agnes,  who  seems  to  have 
brought  to  him  and  his  descendants  the  manor  of 
Whichford,   situate   in   Warwickshire   but   formerly 

Round's  Geoffrey    de    MandeviUe,  $2,^7;  Valor Ecclesiasticus,\olA,  p.iso. 

PP-  93.  95.  96,  277.  *  Brutoii   Cartulary,  nos.  5,  54,  56, 

^  Gcsla  Sfcphani,  p.  80.  66,  230,  231. 
*  Bruton  Cartulary  (S.R.S.),  nos.  i,  2, 

8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

belonging  to  Northamptonshire.  Although  the  name 
of  her  father  is  not  stated,  a  suggestion  may  be 
offered  with  some  confidence  that  she  was  a  daughter 
of  Walter  of  Gaunt,  who,  as  a  grandson  of  Baldwin 
Count  of  Flanders,  was  first  cousin  to  William  the 
Second  and  Henry  the  First,  Kings  of  England  and 
Dukes  of  Normandy.  Such  a  connexion  might 
account  for  the  chronicler's  allusion  to  the  very  high 
social  position  of  her  husband.  Certain  it  is  that 
Whichford  belonged  to  Gilbert  of  Gaunt  in  1086, 
that  his  son  Walter  founded  a  priory  of  Augustinian 
canons  at  Bridlington,  in  Yorkshire,  and  that  William 
de  Mohun  and  Agnes  his  wife  gave  the  church  of 
Whichford  to  that  priory  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
the  First.  ^  Without  some  such  explanation,  it  would 
be  difficult  to  account  for  this  benefaction  to  a 
religious  house  situate  so  far  from  Dunster.  The 
grant,  however,  seems  to  have  been  limited  to  the 
lifetimes  of  William  and  Agnes,  for  the  advowson 
afterwards  reverted  to  the  Mohuns  and  was  enjoyed 
by  them  and  their  descendants,  the  Stranges  and  the 
Stanleys,  until  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  ' 

The  favour  of  the  Earl  of  Somerset  to  the  Augus- 
tinian order  was  further  shown  by  his  establishment 
of  a  priory  at  Bruton,  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
county  of  Somerset.  The  charters  by  which  he 
granted  to  the  regular  canons  the  church  of  that 
place,  with  its  tithes,  dues,  and  rights,  and  common 
pasture  in  his  manor  of  Brewham,  bear  no  date,  but 
may  be  referred  to  the  year  1 142.  ^  It  was  by  his 
advice  that  one  of  his  feudal  tenants,  Robert  son 
of    Geoffrey,    bestowed   upon    them    the  church  of 

'  Domesday  Book,  i.  227"  ;    Dugdale's      shire,  (ed.  1765)  pp.  417,  418. 
Monasticon  vol.  vi,  pp. 285-287.  ''  Bruton  Cartulary,  nos.  I,  2,  376  ; 

^  Dugdale's  Antiquities  of  Warwick-      Dugdale's  Monasticon,  vol.  vi.  p.  335. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  9 

Luxborough  near  Dunster,  of  which  he  increased  the 
endowment.  ^ 

A  grant  of  some  land  at  Lydeard  to  the  Augustinian 
canons  of  Taunton  by  WilHam  de  Mohun  may  be 
attributed  either  to  the  Earl  of  Somerset  or  his  son.  ^ 

The  Earl  of  Somerset  had  by  Agnes  his  wife  six 
sons  : — 

Ralph,  for  the  benefit  of  whose  soul  he  gave  some 
land  at  Avelham  to  the  church  of  Dunster.  " 

William,  his  successor. 

Henry,  who  seems  to  have  inherited  the  maternal 
estate  at  Whichford,  as,  in  1162,  he  paid  scutage 
for  a  knight's  fee  in  Warwickshire.  *  A  person 
of  the  same  name  was  connected  with  Hampshire 
in  1 167.* 


Richard,  a  clerk,  beneficed  on  the  paternal  estate  in 
Normandy,  but  generally  resident  in  England.  ' 

Peter,  also  a  clerk.^ 

William  de  Mohun  the  third  was  a  witness  to 
his  father's  charter  in  favour  of  the  Augustinian 
canons  of  Bruton. "  He  seems  to  have  succeeded 
him  in  or  before  1 1  55,  as  the  Pipe  Rolls,  which  then 
begin  to  be  continuous,  do  not  record  any  payment  by 
him  to  the  Crown  by  way  of  relief  on  the  death  of 
his  father.  He  did  not  style  himself  Earl  of  Somer- 
set, King  Stephen  having  presumably  declined  to 
recognise  that  title  as  conferred  by  the  Empress 
Maud.    In  some  of  his  earher  charters,  he  is  described 

»  Braton  Cartulary,  nos.  230,  232.  "  Bruton  Cartulary,  nos.  i,  4,  66,  69, 

-  Dugdale's     Monasticon,     vol.     vi.  71,  230, 430. 

p.  166.  '   ^h'd.  nos.   I.  64,   75,  230,  399,  400, 

3  D. CM.  XVI    7.  401  :  Calendar  of  documents  ill  France 

<  Brnton  Cartulary,  nos.  i,  75;    Pipe  (ed.  Round),  vol.  i.  p.  176. 

Roll,  8  Hen.  II,  p.  2.  *  Brnton  Cartulary,  nos.  i,  230. 

5  Pipe  Roll,  13  Hen.  II,  p.  189.  ^  Ibid.  no.  i. 

lo  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

as  William  de  Mohun  'the  younger  {juvenis).'  For 
the  benefit  of  the  souls  of  his  father  WilHam,  his 
mother  Agnes,  and  his  brethren,  he  gave  to  the 
Augustinian  canons  of  Bruton,  sixty  acres  near  the 
pond  at  Brewham  and  pannage  for  a  hundred  hogs 
in  Selwood  Forest.  ^  He  furthermore  endowed 
them  with  the  church  of  Cutcombe  near  Dunster, 
the  church  of  Lyons,  in  Normandy,  with  the  tithe 
of  his  fisheries  there,  and  property  at  Brewham  and 
Redlinch.  ^  He  also  confirmed  the  gifts  of  his 
grandfather  and  father  to  the  Benedictine  monks  of 
Bath.  ' 

In  the  time  of  the  third  William  de  Mohun,  the 
Honour  of  Dunster  comprised  forty-six  and  a  half 
fees  held  by  different  military  tenants.  It  may  fairly 
be  surmised  that  the  number  had  been  originally 
fixed  at  forty  and  that  one  had  been  acquired  by 
marriage.  Five  and  a  half  knights'  fees  are  distinctly 
stated  to  have  been  "  of  the  new  feoffment,  "  that  is 
to  say  creations  of  the  period  subsequent  to  the  reign 
of  Henry  the  First,  and  when  an  aid  was  levied,  in 
1 1 68,  on  account  of  the  marriage  of  the  King's 
daughter,  William  de  Mohun  refused  to  pay  on  more 
than  forty-one,  persisting  in  this  refusal  until  the  end 
of  his  life.  ^  In  Normandy  too  he  had  eleven  knights 
under  him,  although  he  was  accountable  to  his  royal 
master  for  only  five.  ^ 

William  de  Mohun  the  third  married  a  lady  named 
Godehold,  who  brought  to  him,  as  her  inheritance  or 
portion,  the  manor  of  Brinkley,  in  Cambridgeshire  ^ 

*  Bruton  Cartulary,  no.  4.  Hen.  II.  p.  3  ;  22  Hen.  II.  p.  155. 

'  /6/rf.  nos.  66, 67, 69,  71,  75,221,  226,  '"  Red  Book  of  the  Exchequer  (R.  S.) 

395,  397-  P-  629. 

»  D.C.M.  XVI.  7.  «  Curia  Regis  Roll,  no.  48,  m.  7". 

*  Pipe  Rolls,  14  Hen.  II.  p.  143  ;  75 

CH.i.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  n 

He  died  in  1176,  and  she  was  apparently  dead   in 
1 186.  ^     They  had  issue  several  children  : — 

William,  successor  to  his  father. 

Geoffrey,  who  was  enfeoffed  by  his  brother  of  the 
manor  of  Ham,  in  Dorset.  This  he  forfeited  by 
espousing  the  cause  of  John,  Count  of  Mortain, 
against  his  brother  King  Richard. " 

John,  ancestor  of  the  Mohuns  of  Ham.  ^ 

Thomas,  who  had  the  churches  of  Moyon  and  Tessy 
sur-Vire,  and  perhaps  other  ecclesiastical  benefices 
in  Normandy  and  England.  * 

Robert.  ' 

Agnes,  who  married  William  of  Windsor.  She  had 
for  her  portion  an  estate  at  and  near  Bicknoller, 
which  her  descendants  for  several  generations  held 
of  the  Honour  of  Dunster  by  military  service. '' 

William  de  Mohun  the  fourth  was,  while  a 
boy,  named  as  a  witness  to  a  charter  of  his  father  in 
favour  of  the  canons  of  Bruton.  ^  Being  still  under 
age  at  the  death  of  his  father  in  1 176,  he  became  a 
ward  of  the  King.  Richard,  Bishop  of  Winchester 
was  soon  appointed  to  look  after  him  and  to  admin- 
ister his  estates.  The  normal  rent  of  the  manors 
was  44/.  3X.  4^.  but  part  of  Dunster  is  described  as 
''  waste  ;  "  the  tolls  there  did  not  yield  the  amount 
expected  ;  and  the  mills  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton 
alike  showed  a  decline  in  revenue.  There  were  also 
some  charges  for  the  repair  of  the  mill,  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  vineyard,  and  the  wages  of  servants.      On 

1  Pipe  Roll,  22  Hen.  II.  p.  155  ;  Caleii-  vol.  i.  p.  lyS- 

dar  of  documents  in  France  [tA.'Roxmd],  ''  Ibid.p.  2S'^. 

vol  i  p  780  ^  Pole    MS.     at    Queen's    College, 

i  Pipe  Roils.  Oxford,  f.  64"  ;  Feet  of  Fines,  Somer- 

'  See  Appendix.  set,  20  Hen.  III.  (Green,  i.  85.) 

*  Cah-iidnr  of  documents  in  France,  '  Bruton  Cartulary,  no.  397. 

12  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.         ch.  i. 

the  other  hand,  the  King  got  1 9/.  clear  from  the  sale 
of  corn  and  wine  from  the  lands  in  demesne  which 
were  not  reckoned  in  the  rental.  By  royal  order,  a 
sum  of  18/.  was  allowed  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
heir  for  a  year  and  a  half.  ^  His  mother  presumably 
had  dower  at  Minehead  or  Kilton,  in  addition  to  her 
own  property  at  Brinkley. 

William  de  Mohun  appears  to  have  received 
livery  of  his  lands  in  1 1  'j']^  as  the  Crown  then 
ceased  to  get  the  profits  of  them.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  very  perplexing  entry  in  the  Pipe  Roll  of 
1 182,  where  the  Sheriff  accounts  for  \is.  \d.  derived 
"  from  the  wreck  of  Dunestor."  On  the  one  hand  it 
suggests  that  the  lord  of  that  place  was  entitled  to 
wreck  of  sea  on  part  of  the  southern  coast  of  the 
Bristol  Channel  ;  on  the  other  hand  it  shows  that 
receipts  from  that  franchise  were  paid  into  the 

Following  the  example  of  his  father,  William  de 
Mohun  the  fourth  described  himself  as  'the  younger' 
in  his  earliest  charter  to  the  canons  of  Bruton,  but 
afterwards  dropped  that  designation.^  He  confirmed 
to  them  all  the  gifts  of  his  grandfather,  his  father, 
and  his  different  tenants  in  England  and  Normandy, 
and  added  to  their  endowments  the  church  and  the 
mill  of  Minehead  and  the  tithe  of  the  mills  of 
Cutcombe.  ^  He  furthermore  made  over  to  them 
all  his  right  of  ecclesiastical  patronage  at  Brinkley, 
Minehead  and  Todbere  in  England,  and  at  Moyon, 
Tessy-sur-Vire,  Beaucoudrai  and  Deodville  in  Nor- 
mandy, subject  to  the  life  interest  of  his  brother 
Thomas.  "*  Finally  he  gave  them  the  right  of  choosing 

'  Pipe  Roll,  25  Hen.  II.  p.  25.  *  Calendar  of  documents  in  France, 

*  Bruton  Cartnhiry,  no.  5.  vol.  i,  p.  178. 

*  Ibid.  nos.  223,  224,  240,  245. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  13 

a  prior  from  among  themselves,  upon  condition  that 
they  should  present  the  person  so  chosen  to  him  or 
his  heirs,  whether  in  England  or  in  Normandy  \ 
This  condition  was  faithfully  observed  for  generation 
after  generation,  and  when  the  main  line  of  the 
Mohuns  became  extinct,  the  canons  continued  the 
practice,  by  presenting  their  priors  elect  to  the  Lut- 
trells  of  Dunster,  as  successors  in  title,  though  not  in 
blood,  to  the  older  lords  of  that  place.  -  In  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  there  was  a  very 
ancient  custom  that  whenever  the  lord  or  lady  of 
Dunster  went  to  stay  at  Bruton  Priory,  the  canons 
should  provide  two  wax  candles  to  burn  all  night  in 
the  bedroom.  ^ 

By  a  charter  pubhshed  at  Montchaton  in  1186, 
William  de  Mohun  granted  the  tithe  of  his  mills 
at  Moyon,  Tessy-sur-Vire  and  Beaucoudrai  to  the 
Premonstratensian  canons  of  La  Luzerne,  on  condi- 
tion that  they  should  keep  his  anniversary,  and  that 
one  of  their  number,  in  perpetual  succession,  should 
be  specially  bound  to  offer  prayers  for  the  soul  of  his 
mother  Godeheut.  * 

In  arranging  that  his  anniversary  should  be  kept  at 
Bruton  Priory  year  after  year,  William  de  Mohun 
mentioned  his  purpose  of  going  on  pilgrimage  to 
Jerusalem,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  he  died 
abroad.  ^  The  date  of  his  death  may  be  placed  in 
October  1193,  but  several  months  elapsed  before 
William  de  Ste.  Mere  Eglise  took  possession  of  the 
Honour  of  Dunster  in   the   King's  name,  the  heir 

>  BiufonCartulary,no. 7 iPatentRoW,  *  St.    George's    extracts    from    the 

20  Edvv.  Ill,  pt.  2,  m.  24.  Mohun  Chronicle. 

-  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  2,  3.  5,  8  13,  14, 18,  *  Calendar  of  documents  in  France, 

25.     Hist.  MSB.  Comm.  Tenth  Report,  vol.  i.  p.  282.     Cf.  Add.  Charter  13414. 

App.  VI.  p.  78.  '  Bruton  Cartulary,  no.  245. 

14  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

being  a  minor.  ^  The  Honour  of  Moyon  in  Nor- 
mandy was  about  the  same  time  committed  to  the 
charge  of  Richard  de  Humez.  "^  The  dower  of  Lucy 
de  Mohun,  WiUiam's  rehct,  included  only  seven  of 
his  English  fees,  approximately  a  sixth  of  the  whole 
number.  ^  She  eventually  obtained  from  the  Crown 
a  lease  of  his  paternal  estate  at  Moyon  in  Normandy 
for  a  yearly  rent  of  50/.  and  a  fine  of  20/.  * 

William  de  Mohun  the  fourth  and  Lucy  his  wife 
had  issue  two  sons,  William  and  Reynold.  The 
former  is  named  as  a  witness  to  three  of  his  father's 
charters  at  a  time  when  he  was  clearly  under  age  ^ 
It  is,  however,  impossible  to  say  whether  he  survived 
his  father.  For  some  ten  years,  the  Honour  of 
Dunster  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  King  and  was 
administered  by  his  agents  William  de  Ste.  Mere 
Eglise,  William  of  Wrotham,  Nicholas  Puinz, 
Reynold  of  Clifton,  Hugh  de  Gurnai  and  Hubert  de 
Burgh.  The  income  was  mainly  from  Dunster  and 
Carhampton,  and  the  outgoings  were  very  small. 
At  the  Castle  itself  a  doorkeeper  and  a  watchman 
were  maintained  by  royal  order,  but  the  accounts  say 
nothing  about  the  wardship  of  the  heir.  A  clerk 
named  Richard  who  had  a  pension  of  the  gift  of 
William  de  Mohun,  may  have  been  the  last  surviving 
son  of  the  Earl  of  Somerset.  ® 

There  was  some  trouble  at  Dunster,  perhaps  poli- 
tical, between  the  death  of  Richard  the  First,  and 
the  coronation  of  his  brother.  ' 

'  Rotuli  Scaccarii  Normannice,  (ed.  *  Rotuli  Scaccarii Normannice,vo].ii. 

Stapleton)  vol.  ii.  p.  x  ;  Pipe  Roll.  p.  296. 

*  Rotuli  Scaccatii  Normannice,  vol.  i.  *  Bruton  Cartulary,  nos.  6,  7,  73. 

p.  244.  *  Pipe  Rolls,    6-10  Ric.  I.  and  1-7 

^  Rotulus    Cancellarii,    5  Johannis,  John;  Rotiilus  CanccUarii,  ^Johannis, 

pp.   143,   209;   Rotuli  de  Oblatis   &c,  pp.  198,  205-211. 

p.  135.  <■  Rotuli  Curia:  Regis,  vol.  ii.  p.  12  r. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  15 

When  King  John  was  at  Le  Mans  in  January  1 203, 
he  gave  orders  to  the  seneschal  of  Normandy  to 
dehver  to  Hubert  de  Burgh,  the  Chamberlain,  all 
the  land  of  Reynold  de  Mohun  in  that  duchy,  except 
some  that  had  been  committed  to  another  person  \ 
At  the  beginning  of  May,  when  he  was  at  Falaise, 
we  read  : — 

"  Hubert  de  Burgh,  the  Chamberlain,  was  commanded 
by  letters  patent  to  warn  and  induce  Reynold  de  Moyhun 
to  accept  from  the  King  an  exchange  in  England  for  his 
land  at  Lyons  near  Caen,  and  for  this  cause  to  send  him  to 
the  King,  or  else  his  letters  patent. "  * 

In  other  words,  a  young  man,  legally  under  age, 
was  to  be  compelled  by  his  guardian  to  execute  a  deed 
surrendering  part  of  his  patrimony,  unless  he  preferred 
to  undertake  a  journey  across  the  sea  on  the  chance 
of  obtaining  tolerable  terms  from  the  King.  The 
rolls  of  the  period  do  not  contain  any  further  refer- 
ence to  the  subject. 

Reynold  de  Mohun  obtained  possession  of  Dunster 
Castle  and  the  chief  part  of  his  inheritance  in  July 
1204.^  Whichford,  in  Warwickshire,  was  made  over 
to  him  some  two  months  later,  and  he  established  his 
right  to  Brinkley,  in  Cambridgeshire,  as  the  heir  of 
Godehold  de  Mohun,  who  had  owned  the  manor  in 
fee.  *  He  seems  to  have  taken  a  prominent  part 
in  the  invasion  of  France  in  the  summer  of  1206,  as 
the  sheriff  of  Devon  was  then  ordered  to  provide 
him  with  a  ship  at  the  King's  expense.  ^  Four  years 
later,  he  was  one  of  the  knights  who  accompanied 
John  in  his  expedition  to  Ireland.  ^ 

'  Rotuli  Normannict,  p.  68.  Curia  Regis  Rolls.nos.  47,  m.3 ;  48,  mjd. 

-  Rotuli  Lift.  Patentinm,  vol.  i.  p.  29.  ■'  Rotuli     Litt.    Clausarnm,    vol.    i. 

■'  Ibid.  p.  44.  PP-  71,  72- 

*  Rotttli  Litt.  Clausarnm,  vo\.\.  p.  ()\  ^  RotuUde Liberate,  pp.  181,20^,216. 

i6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

To  the  canons  of  Bruton,  Reynold  de  Mohun 
confirmed  all  the  gifts  of  his  ancestors,  by  two  charters 
apparently  issued  on  the  same  day,  the  one  dealing 
with  property  in  England  and  Normandy  alike,  and 
the  other  dealing  exclusively  with  property  in 
England.  ^  On  the  separation  of  Normandy  from 
England,  he  had  to  make  his  choice  between  King 
Philip  and  King  John,  and,  as  his  chief  estates  lay  in 
England,  he  declared  in  favour  of  the  latter.  The 
original  possessions  of  his  ancestors  were  consequently 
escheated  to  the  French  Crown. '  There  is  some 
difficulty  in  tracing  their  subsequent  history,  but  it 
appears  that  some  of  them  were  eventually  recovered 
by  a  younger  branch  of  the  Mohun  family. 
Although  Alan  de  Avalgor  is  described  as  '  lord  of 
Moyon  '  in  1254,  an  estate  at  Maisons  which  had 
belonged  to  the  Mohuns  of  Dunster  was,  at  a  later 
date,  in  the  possession  of  Joan  de  la  Pommeraie, 
daughter  of  Henry  de  Moyon.  ^  A  deed  of  1290 
shows  that  this  lady  was  the  relict  of  Gislain  de  la 
Pommeraie,  and  a  niece  of  William  de  Courcy,  and 
that  she  had  had  a  brother  named  Henry  de  Moyon  *. 
A  certain  William  de  Moyon  also  occurs  in  1266,  in 
connexion  with  Friardel. "  Some  ruins  of  a  castle 
may  still  be  seen  at  Moyon,  where  it  is  now  known 
as  Le  vieux  chateau  d  Ha'mneville^  situate  on  high 
ground  and  protected  by  a  broad,  deep  moat,  full  of 
water.  It  is  believed  to  have  once  had  a  central  keep 
and  a  double  line  of  walls. 


1  Bruton  Cartulary,  no.  58  ;  Patent  *  Danisy,  Archives duCalvados,vo\.\. 

Rolls,   20   Edw.    Ill,    p.    2,    m.    24  ;  p.  31. 

36  Edw.  Ill,  p.  2,  m.  22.  ^  Ibid.  p.  406. 

^  Rotuli  Scaccarii  NormaJinice,vol.ii.  •*  Information     kindly   obtained,    in 

p.  X.  1904,   by   M,   Jnles  Lair,  Membre  de 

^  Bruton  Cartulary,  nos.  424,  433,  L'Institut,  from  the  Archivist  of    La 

434.  Manche. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  17 

Reynold  de  Mohun  married  Alice,  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Sir  William  Briwere,  a  man  of  great 
consequence  in  his  day.  ^  By  her  he  seems  to  have 
had  issue  four  sons  : — 

Reynold,  successor  to  his  father. 

William,  a  benefactor  to  Cleeve  Abbey  and  the 
prime  mover  in  the  foundation  of  Newenham 
Abbey.  ^  He  married  Juliana  de  Vernon.  ^  Dying 
at  Norton,  in  Cornwall,  in  1265,  he  was  buried 
before  the  high  altar  at  Newenham,  near  his  elder 
brother.  * 

Baldwin,  a  priest.  He  was  rector  of  Brinkley,  in 
Cambridgeshire  in  1261.  ^  Some  five  years  later, 
he  was  presented  by  the  Abbot  of  Newenham  to 
the  living  of  Luppit,  in  Devon,  which  he  vacated 
in  1267.  ® 

Richard.  ^ 

Reynold  de  Mohun  of  Dunster  died  in  1 2 1  3,  when 
he  was  barely  thirty  years  of  age.  Alice  his  relict  mar- 
ried secondly  William  Paynel  of  Bampton,  in  Devon, 
a  Crusader,  who  died  in  1228.^  Some  five  years  later, 
she  succeeded  to  a  considerable  estate  in  the  west  of 
England,  on  the  death  of  her  brother,  WiUiam  Briwere 
the  younger.  ^  Through  her  the  Mohuns  inherited 
the  manors  of  Torre,  Ugborough,  Cadleigh,  Brad- 
worthy  and  Axminster,  in  Devon,  and  He  Brewer, 
in  Somerset,  and  various  knights'  fees  elsewhere. 

'  Oliver's  Monashcon  Dioecesis  Exon.  «  Newenham  Register  f.  43;  Brones- 

pp.    190,  362  ;  Dictionary  of  National  combe's  Register,  f.  36". 

Biograf>hv,  vol.  vi.  p.  299.  ^  Oliver's  Monasticon  Dioecesis  Exou. 

*  Dugdale'sMonashcon,vol.  V.  p.  733.  p.  39- 

3  Calendar  of  Inquisitions,Henry  III.  *  Excerpta  e  Rotulis  Finium,  vol.  1. 

p.  188  ;  Excerpta  e   Rotulis    Finium,  pp.    167,    173  ;  Close  Rolls,  1227-12?!, 

vol.  ii.  p.  327.  PP-  24,  64. 

*  Oliver,  p.  363.  '  Excerpta,  p.  242  ;  Close  Rolls,  1231- 

*  Feet    of    Fines,    Cambridge,     45  1234,  pp.  22^,229,  sii;TestadeNevill, 
Hen.  III.  P-  200. 


1 8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

Reynold  de  Mohun  the  second  was  of  course  a 
minor  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  and  Dunster 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Crown  for  the  third 
time  within  thirty-eight  years.  In  June  121  3,  King 
John  committed  to  Henry  Fitz-Count,  bastard  son 
of  the  Earl  of  Cornwall,  the  wardship  of  the  heirs  of 
Reynold  de  Mohun,  with  the  castle  of  Dunster  and 
various  lands,  saving  to  Alice  the  widow  her  marriage 
portion  and  dower  at  Whichford  and  elsewhere  ^ 
In  1220,  however,  the  ministers  of  Henr)^  the  Third 
transferred  the  *'  forest  of  Dunster,  "  whatever  that 
may  be,  to  Peter  de  Maulay,  to  be  safely  kept  by 
him  during  pleasure.  *  Furthermore,  on  the  death 
of  Henry  Fitz-Count  in  1222,  a  different  arrange- 
ment was  made,  for  while  William  Briwere  was 
given  the  wardship  of  the  demesne  of  Carhampton, 
the  knights'  fees,  and  the  person  of  his  grandson,  the 
castle  and  the  borough  of  Dunster  were  expressly 
reserved  to  the  Crown.  ^  Other  manors  belonging 
to  the  inheritance  must  have  been  in  the  hands  of 
a  widow,  Alice  de  Mohun  or  Lucy  de  Mohun. 
During  the  next  few  months,  money  was  frequently 
issued  to  two  crossbowmen  named  Vilers,  who  were 
placed  in  Dunster  Castle  by  royal  order.  * 

Reynold  de  Mohun  received  livery  of  his  lands  in 
or  before  1227,  when  he  levied  an  aid  on  his  knights 
and  free  tenants,  on  the  occasion  of  his  being  made  a 
knight,  ^  He  accompanied  the  King  on  his  military 
expeditions  into  France  in  1230  and  into  Wales  in 
the  following  year.  ^  He  was,  however,  more 
remarkable  in   peace    than   in   war.      In    1234,  at   a 

*  Rotuli    Litt.    Clausarum,     vol.    i.  *  Rottili    Litt.    Clausarum,    vol.    i. 
pp.  137,  242.  pp.  492,  503.  508,  512,  524,  535. 

*  Ibid.  p.  418.  *  Patent  Rolls,  1225-12^2,  p.  107. 

*  /fcu/.pp.  518,605  ;    Excerpta  e  Rotu-  ^  Ibid.   pp.   311,    358;     Close  Rolls, 
lis  Finiiim,  vol.  i.  p.  79.  122J-123J,  p.  550. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  19 

time  when  he  was  for  some  reason  in  debt  to  the 
Jews,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Justices  of  the 
Bench,  that  is  to  say  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  ^ 
Nine  years  later,  he  was  constituted  Chief  Justice  of 
the  forests  south  of  Trent.  -  In  i  242,  he  went  again 
to  Wales.  ^  In  1252,  he  was  appointed  keeper  of 
all  the  royal  forests  south  of  Trent,  with  a  salary  of 
a  hundred  marks  for  his  maintenance,  and  it  was 
doubtless  in  connexion  with  his  new  duties  that  he 
took  a  lease  of  Sauvey  Castle  in  Leicestershire  at  a 
rent  of  five  marks.  * 

Reynold  de  Mohun  had  many  residences  of  his 
own  in  addition  to  Dunster  Castle.  In  1 233,  he  had  a 
house  at  Streatley,  in  Berkshire,  which  had  come  to 
him  through  his  first  wife. '  In  i  252,  he  entered  into 
an  elaborate  agreement  with  the  Abbot  and  Convent 
of  Torre,  in  Devonshire,  concerning  a  private  chapel 
which  he  proposed  to  build  at  his  court-house  there, 
for  the  exclusive  use  of  himself  and  his  family,  his 
guests,  and  his  domestic  servants.  The  monks  were 
careful  to  stipulate  that  the  rite  of  baptism  should 
not  be  administered  therein  and  that  half  of  the 
offerings  made  there  should  be  handed  over  to  them.  ^ 
Under  the  corrupted  form  of  '  Tormoham, '  the  old 
parish  of  Torre  still  preserves  the  memory  of  the 
Mohuns  who  dwelt  there,  but  no  remains  of  their 
court-house  are  to  be  found  among  the  modern  villas 
of  Torquay.  In  1253,  Reynold  de  Mohun  obtained 
for  himself  and  his  heirs  a  grant  of  free  warren  at 
Dunster,  at  Whichford,  in  Warwickshire,  and  at 
Ottery,  in   Devon,   with  Ucence  to    hunt   the   hare, 

1  Close  Rolls,    12  31-1234,    pp.    346,  '  ibid.    1 247-1258,    pp.     155,     162  ; 

565,  570.  Matthew   of   Paris,  Chronica  Major  a, 

» 'calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1232-1247,  vol.  v.  p.  340. 
p.  279.  '  Close  Rolls,  1231-1234,  p.  226. 

»  /fc/d.  p.  464.  *  Dugdale'sMo«flsrtcoM,volvii.p.926. 

20  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

the  fox,  the  cat  and  the  badger  in  Somerset  and  one 
other  county.  ^ 

The  charters  of  Reynold  de  Mohun  the  second  to 
the  men  of  Dunster  will  be  noticed  in  another  chap- 
ter. It  remains  to  say  something  about  his  bene- 
factions to  different  religious  bodies.  His  ancestors 
had  done  much  for  the  church.  Irrespectively  of 
minor  donations,  the  Mohuns  had  established  Bene- 
dictine monks  at  Dunster  and  Augustinian  canons 
at  Bruton,  and  his  grandfather,  William  Briwere, 
had  founded  no  less  than  four  separate  houses,  a 
Premonstratensian  abbey  at  Torre,  a  Cistercian  abbey 
at  Dunkeswell,  an  Augustinian  priory  at  Mottisfont, 
and  a  hospital  at  Bridgewater.  Reynold  de  Mohun's 
benefactions  were  also  diverse.  To  the  monks  of 
Dunster  he  gave  50  marks,  and,  apparently,  two  acres 
at  Caremore  near  the  sea.  ^  That  he  was  a  warm 
friend  to  the  Augustinian  canons  of  Bruton  is  clear 
from  his  attestation  of  several  grants  to  them  and 
from  the  part  which  he  took  in  the  establishment  of 
the  vicarage  of  Minehead.  He  also  renounced  in 
their  favour  all  his  rights,  as  patron,  during  intervals 
when  the  ofHce  of  prior  might  be  vacant.  ^  To 
another  house  of  the  same  order  at  Barlinch  in 
Somerset,  on  the  borders  of  Devonshire,  he  gave  land 
at  Mariansleigh,  and  the  advowson  of  the  church.*  To 
the  Cistercian  monks  of  Cleeve  near  Dunster  he  gave 
some  land  at  Slaworthi,  or  Slowley,  near  Luxborough, 
to  be  held  by  service  of  an  eighth  part  of  a  knight's 
fee.  ^  He  is,  however,  to  be  remembered  chiefly  as 
the  founder  of  Newenham  Abbey  in  Devonshire. 

'  Calendar  of  Charter  Rolls,  vol.   i.  241,  243. 

p.    431.     Part   of   the   enrolment  has  *  Dugda\e'sMoiiasticon,vo\.v\.p.386. 

long  been  illegible.   D.C.M.  viii.  3.  =  Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  733  ;  Bruton  Cartu- 

-  Two  Chartidaries  of  Bath.  L."  901.  lary,  no.  234  ;  British   Museum,  Add. 

*  Bruton  Cartulary,  nos.  8,  237-239,  MS.  11 161. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  21 

The  idea  of  establishing  a  new  Cistercian  house  in 
the  west  of  England  originated  with  Sir  William  de 
Mohun,  who  offered  to  transfer  some  of  his  lands  to  his 
elder  brother  if  the  latter  would  provide  a  suitable 
site.  Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun  entered  readily  into 
the  scheme  and  gave  him  the  choice  of  three  manors, 
Minehead,  Ottery  Fleming,  and  Axminster.  After 
an  inspection  of  them  by  the  Abbot  of  Beaulieu, 
Axminster  was  selected,  and,  in  September  1245,  Sir 
Reynold  assigned  that  manor  to  his  brother,  upon 
condition  that  the  foundation  of  an  Abbey  therein 
should  be  sanctioned  by  the  King  and  by  the  Cister- 
cian Order  within  eighteen  months.  He  further- 
more undertook  to  contribute  a  hundred  marks  a 
year  to  the  proposed  building.  By  the  intercession 
of  John  Godard,  one  of  the  monks  of  Beaulieu, 
seconded  by  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  the  king's 
approval  was  obtained  in  July  1 246.  ^  Sir  Reynold 
de  Mohun  then  issued  a  formal  charter  of  foundation, 
which  was  in  due  course  confirmed  by  royal  author- 
ity. ^  At  the  end  of  December  in  that  year,  John 
Godard  was  elected  Abbot,  and  twelve  monks  of 
Beaulieu  and  four  lay  brethren  were  chosen  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Devonshire.  This  little  band  arrived 
at  the  site  of  the  new  colony  on  the  feast  of  the 
Epiphany,  chanting  Salve  Regina,  in  the  presence  of 
the  founder,  his  brother,  and  a  great  concourse  of 
people.  ^ 

In  1248,  the  Pope  took  the  new  settlement,  the 
monastery  of  Newenham  {c/e  novo  manso),  under  his 
protection  and   conferred   upon    it   many  privileges. 

'  Newenham  Chartulary,ff.  1 8b-24b;  »  Calendar  of  Charter  Rolls,  vol.  i. 

Davidson's  History  of  Neweiihatn  Abbey,  p.  326. 

pp.  3-7,  225-227  ;  Pole  MS.  at  Queen's  ^  Chartulary,  as  above. 
College,  Oxford,  f.  14. 

22  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

At  subsequent  dates,  Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun  granted 
to  the  Cistercian  monks  the  church  of  Luppit  in 
Devonshire  and  sixty  marks  towards  the  purchase  of 
land  at  Shapwick  for  the  benefit  of  the  soul  of  his 
mother  Alice.  He  is  also  stated  to  have  bequeathed 
to  them  by  his  will  a  sum  of  seven  hundred  marks  \ 

There  was  a  great  ceremony  at  Newenham  on  the 
13th  of  September  1254,  when  the  Abbot  and  monks 
went  in  solemn  procession  from  their  temporary  chapel 
to  the  site  of  their  future  church,  chanting  psalms 
suitable  to  the  occasion,  followed  by  an  antiphon. 
There  Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun  laid  the  corner-stone 
of  the  superstructure  and  two  other  stones,  all  marked 
with  the  cross,  while  the  clergy  sang  the  Te  Deum 
and  Salve  Regina.  Stones  were  also  laid  by  Sir  William 
de  Mohun  and  Sir  Wymond  de  Raleigh.  After  this, 
the  Abbot,  with  the  deacon  and  sub-deacon,  vested 
for  mass,  and  the  rest  of  the  community  knelt  before 
their  founder  and  besought  him  to  adopt  the  new 
church  as  the  place  for  his  burial.  He  replied  that 
this  was  his  intention,  and,  by  a  document  dated  at 
Dunster  in  the  following  year,  he  directed  that,  unless 
he  should  die  in  the  Holy  Land,  his  corpse  should 
be  conveyed  to  Newenham  and  there  honourably 
buried  before  the  high  altar.  ^ 

In  connexion  with  the  establishment  of  Newenham 
Abbey  there  is  the  following  extraordinary  story  : — 

"  When  Sir  Reynold  saw  this  done,  he  went  to  the 
court  of  Rome,  which  was  then  at  Lyons,  for  confirmation 
and  ratification  of  his  new  abbey,  to  his  great  honour  for 
ever  ;  and  he  was  at  the  court  on  the  Sunday  in  Lent  when 
they  sing  the  office  of  the  Mass  Lastare  Jerusalem^  on  which 
day  the  custom  of  the  court  is  that  the  Pope  (lapoistoille) 

'  Davidson  pp.  2,  10,21-24  ;  Oliver's  '  Davidson  pp.  33-35;  Rowe's  Cister- 

Monasticon  Dioccesis  E.xoii.  p.  362.  cian  Houses  of  Devon,  pp.  140,  141. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  23 

gives  to  the  most  valiant  and  honourable  man  who  can  be 
found  at  the  said  court  a  rose  or  little  flower  of  fine  gold. 
They  therefore  searched  the  whole  court  and  found  this 
Reynold  to  be  most  worthy  of  the  whole  court,  and  to  him 
Pope  Innocent  gave  this  rose  or  little  flower  of  gold,  and 
the  Pope  (papa)  asked  him  what  manner  of  man  he  was  in 
his  own  country.  He  answered  '  a  plain  knight  bachelor.  ' 
'  Fair  son  '  said  the  Pope,  *  this  rose  or  little  flower  has  never 

*  been  given  save  to  kings,  or  to  dukes,  or  to  earls;  therefore 
'  we  will  that  you  be  Earl  of  Est, ' — that  is  Somerset. 
Reynold   answered  and  said   *  O   holy  father,    I  have   not 

*  wherewithal  to  maintain  the  name.'  The  Pope  therefore 
gave  him  two  hundred  marks  a  year  to  be  received  at  the 
altar  of  St.  Pauls's  in  London  out  of  his  (Peter's)  Pence  of 
England,  to  maintain  his  honour  ;  of  which  grant  he  brought 
back  with  him  bulls  which  still  have  the  lead,  etc.  together 
with  ten  other  bulls  of  confirmation  of  his  new  abbey  of 
Newham.  After  this  day,  he  bore  the  rose  or  little  flower 
in  his  arms.  "  ^ 

Reynold  de  Mohun  the  second  has  accordingly 
been  recognised  as  Earl  of  Somerset  in  numerous 
peerages  and  pedigrees,  and  ingenious  heralds  have 
offered  observations  and  explanations.  Thus,  Milles 
says  that  he  was  created  Earl  of  Somerset  "  by  gift 
of  the  Pope,  who  in  King  John's  time  might  doe 
what  hee  Ust  in  England,  "  while  Camden  asserts  that 
he  "  was  deprived  of  that  honour  in  the  Barons' 
War.  "  ^  These  writers  cannot  have  realised  that 
Reynold  de  Mohun  did  not  come  of  age  until  some 
years  after  the  death  of  King  John,  and  that  he 
died  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Barons'  War.  The 
subject  in  fact  requires  more  careful  examination 
than  it  has  yet  received. 

Camden,  who  was  evidently  acquainted  with  the 
narrative   given  above,, and   Fuller,  who  prints  it  in 

'  Fuller's  C/j7frc/;///sforr,hookiii.§  5.  -  WiWe^'?,  Catalogue  of  Honour,  ^^.2,9^; 

no.  26.  Camden's  Britannia,  Somerset. 

24  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

the  original  language,  concur  in  stating  that  it  was 
to  be  found  in  a  book  or  manuscript  in  French 
belonging  to  the  family  of  Mohun.  Gerard  says 
more  explicitly  that  it  was  derived  from  "  an  ancient 
manuscript  book  still  remayninge  with  Sir  Reginald 
Mohun,  "  and  dedicated  to  Lady  Joan  Mohun  by 
John  Osberne,  her  clerk.  ^  This  was  unquestionably 
the  volume  from  which  so  many  erroneous  statements 
about  the  Mohun  family  have  been  quoted  in  the 
last  four  centuries.  John  Osberne,  however,  must 
not  be  regarded  as  the  author  of  the  story.  His 
own  "  book  or  treatise,  "  composed  in  1350,  was  in 
Latin  of  a  sort,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  merely 
a  supplement  to  a  larger  work  in  French  dedicated 
to  his  mistress  by  Walter  de  la  Houe,  Abbot  of 
Newenham.  The  opening  words  of  the  narrative 
given  above  show  it  to  be  an  extract. 

In  considering  the  credibility  of  the  story,  it  is 
necessary  to  observe  in  the  first  place  that  Pope 
Innocent  the  Fourth  was  at  Lyons  from  November 
1244  to  April  1 25 1,  and  that  the  papal  Regesta  now 
preserved  at  the  Vatican  do  not  contain  copies  of 
all  bulls  issued.  The  papal  practice  of  giving,  or 
sending,  a  golden  rose  as  a  mark  of  high  approval  is 
also  well  known.  On  the  other  hand,  the  flower  on 
the  Mohun  shield  was  not  a  rose,  but  a  fleur-de-lys, 
and  it  was  almost  certainly  there  before  the  foundation 
of  Newenham  Abbey.  ^  If  it  is  difficult  to  see  the 
connexion  between  a  rose  and  a  fleur-de-lys,  it  is  no 
less  difficult  to  see  the  connexion  between  Est  and 
Somerset.  There  is,  however,  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  whole  story  was  a  deliberate  fabrication. 
The  far-fetched  identification  of  Est  with  Somerset, 

'  Description  of  Somerset  (S.  R.  S.),  *  See  Appendix, 

pp.  18,20. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  25 

and  that  of  the  golden  rose  with  the  little  flower 
on  the  Mohun  shield  may  fairly  be  regarded  as 
explanatory  notes  inserted  by  the  Abbot.  The  Pope 
may  possibly  have  bestowed  the  golden  rose  on  Rey- 
nold de  Mohun,  a  man  of  distinction  in  England  and 
a  zealous  churchman,  and  may  have  created  him  a 
Count  Palatine,  with  the  words  "  Comes  esto.  " 

The  idea  that  Innocent  the  Fourth  affected  to 
bestow  any  territorial  title  upon  Reynold  de  Mohun 
must  be  altogether  dismissed.  The  latter  never 
claimed  to  be  Earl  of  Somerset,  and  was  never  so 
described  by  his  contemporaries.  Special  attention 
may  be  called  to  a  charter  issued  by  him  under  the 
name  of  '  Reynold  de  Moun,  knight,  lord  of  Dun- 
sterre,  '  in  1255,  some  years  after  the  departure  of 
Innocent  the  Fourth  from  Lyons,  and  to  the  official 
registers  of  Newenham  Abbey,  in  which,  if  anywhere, 
a  higher  title  borne  by  the  founder  would  certainly 
have  been  mentioned.  ^ 

There  is  indeed  one  document  which,  if  authentic, 
would  point  to  a  different  conclusion,  and  which, 
consequently,  cannot  be  passed  over  in  silence.  In 
the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Third,  the 
Abbot  and  Convent  of  Newenham  got  into  Htigation 
about  some  of  their  property,  and,  as  a  precautionary 
measure,  they,  in  1330,  obtained  royal  confirmation 
of  the  charter  of  foundation  by  Reynold  de  Mohun 
and  of  various  gifts  by  other  benefactors.  ^  This, 
however,  did  not  prove  sufficient  for  their  purpose, 
and,  in  i  340,  they  sent  up  another  charter  purporting 
to  have  been  issued  by  '  Reynold  de  Moun,  Earl  of 
Somerset   and   lord  of   Dunsterre.  '     The   clerks    of 

'  Rowe's  Cistercian  Houses  of  Devon,  ^  Davidson,  pp.  22g-23i  ;  Calendar  of 

pp.  140,141  ;  Oliver's  MonasUcon  Dice-      Patent  Rolls,  1327-1330,  p.  508. 
cesis  Exon.  pp.  362,363. 

26  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

the  Chancery  duly  affixed  the  great  seal  of  England 
to  a  confirmation  of  it,  on  receipt  of  the  usual  fees, 
but  they  seem  to  have  had  some  suspicion  of  it,  for, 
in  the  preamble  of  the  letters  patent  they  described 
the  grantor  as  '  sometime  Earl,  and  lord  of  Dunsterre,' 
omitting  the  reference  to  a  specific  territorial  earldom. 

The  charter  thus  confirmed  is  obviously  based  to 
some  extent  upon  the  authentic  charter  of  foundation, 
and  follows  it  in  alluding  to  the  Abbey  as  not  yet 
established,  but  the  form  of  it  is  different  and  it 
defines  the  franchises  of  Axminster  in  a  manner 
characteristic  of  the  fourteenth  century  rather  than 
the  thirteenth.  Among  other  things,  it  professes  to 
grant  exemption  from  the  sherifFs  tourn,  a  matter 
on  which  the  monks  had  been  challenged  as  far  back 
as  the  reign  of  Edward  the  First,  when  they  had 
failed  to  produce  anything  more  specific  than  the 
authentic  charter  of  foundation.  Lastly,  it  should 
be  observed  that  the  names  of  two  of  the  alleged 
witnesses  are  clearly  inconsistent  with  the  date  ascribed 
to  the  charter.  Richard  le  Blond,  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
appears  in  it  as  '  W.  Bishop  of  Exeter,  '  and  the 
Christian  name  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford  is  given  as 
'  W  '  instead  of  Hugh.  ^ 

When  this  document  had  served  its  purpose,  it 
seems  to  have  been  prudently  destroyed,  and  it  was 
not  even  entered  in  either  of  the  official  chartularies 
of  the  Abbey.  ^  The  same  may  be  observed  with 
regard  to  a  palpable  forgery  purporting  to  be  a 
charter  of  Henry  the  Third,  of  which  the  monks  of 

•  Patent  Roll,  14  Edw.  HI.  pt.  i.  m.  transcript  of  1624  in  the  British   Mu- 

T,y,Placila  de  Quo  Warranto,  p.  165;  seum.  While  Davidson's  version  agrees 

Newenham  Chartulary,  f.  42.  fairly  with    the   Patent   Roll,    Oliver 

-  The  royal  confirmation  is  printed  has,  without  a  word  of  explanation  or 

by  Davidson  (pp.  233-235)  and  by  Oliver  apology,  improved  the  names  of  two 

(pp.   361,   362),  in  both  cases  from  a  of  the  witnesses  (pp.  366,  367). 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  27 

Newenham  obtained  royal  confirmation  in  1393.^ 
Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun  died  on  the  20th  of  Janu- 
ary 1257-8.  One  of  the  Cistercians  of  Newenham, 
possibly  the  Abbot,  Walter  de  la  Houe,  has  left  the 
following  account  of  his  last  days  : — 

"  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1257,  on  the  13th  Calends  of 
February,  Sunday  the  feast  of  Saints  Fabian  and  Sebastian, 
Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun,  lord  of  Dunster  and  founder  of 
Newenham  Abbey,  went  the  way  of  all  flesh  at  Torre  in 
Devonshire,  and  this  was  the  manner  of  his  end.  When 
the  aforesaid  Sir  Reynold  was  seized  with  severe  illness  at 
Torre,  he  sent  and  summoned  a  Friar  Minor  named  Henry, 
a  learned  man  who  was  at  that  time  ruling  a  school  of  theo- 
logy at  Oxford.  " 

"  The  aforesaid  Friar  came  to  him  at  Torre  on  the 
Wednesday  before  the  death  of  the  aforesaid  Reynold,  and 
heard  his  confession,  and,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  he  confessed 
his  sins  truly,  contritely,  devoutly  and  fully.  After  this, 
at  daybreak  on  the  following  Friday,  the  said  Friar  Henry 
came  to  Reynold  where  he  lay,  and  Sir  Reynold  said  to 
him  : — '  I  have  seen  a  vision  this  night  in  a  dream.  I  im- 
'  agined  myself  to  be  in  the  Abbey  Church  of  the  White 
'  Monks  and,  when  leaving  it,  1  met  a  venerable  person  clad 
'  as  a  pilgrim,  and  he  said  : — '  Reynold,  it  is  left  to  your 
'  choice  either  to  come  with  me  now  in  safety,  and  without 
'  peril,  or  to  wait  here  until  the  week  before  Easter  next, 
'  in  danger, '  I  replied  : — '  My  Lord,  I  will  not  wait,  but  will 
'  follow  thee  forthwith,  '  and,  indeed,  1  was  fain  to  follow 
'  him.     He  said  : — '  Thou  shalt  not  follow  me  now  as  thou 

*  desirest,  but  thou  shalt  come  to  me  in  safety  on  the  third 

*  day. '    And  he  added: — '  This  was  the  dream  that  1  saw. 

"  The  aforesaid  friar,  after  many  words  of  consolation, 
returned  to  his  bed,  lay  down  there,  and  slept  a  while,  and 
it  seemed  to  him  in  his  dream  that  he  was  in  the  aforesaid 
church  of  the  Cistercian  order,  and  he  beheld  a  venerable 
man,  clad  in  a  stately  white  robe,  leading  a  boy  fairer  than 

'  Patent  Roll,  17  Ric.  U.  part  i.  m.  18.  Dr.  Oliver  prints  the  confirmation 
without  a  suspicion  of  the  character  of  the  charter  inspected. 

28  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

the  sun  and  in  a  garment  brighter  than  the  clearest  crystal, 
from  the  font  to  the  altar,  like  a  child  newly  baptized.  To 
him  he  said  : — *  Good  Lord,  whose  is  this  child  ? '  And  the 
man  answered  : — '  This  is  the  soul  of  the  venerable  '  Sir  Rey- 
nold de  Mohun.  '  And  when  he  woke,  the  aforesaid  friar 
understood  that  his  dream  was  a  token  in  corroboration  of 
the  dream  of  Sir  Reynold  and  had  the  like  meaning.  " 

"  The  third  day  having  now  arrived.  Sir  Reynold  said 
to  the  aforesaid  friar  Henry  : — '  Repeat  to  me  Prime  and 
Tierce,  for  my  hour  is  very  near  at  hand.  '  Now  it  was  his 
wont  to  hear  the  whole  divine  service  daily,  and  the  friar 
consented.  The  said  Sir  Reynold  said  : — '  For  God's  sake, 
*  speak  quickly,  for  my  hour  is  at  hand. '  This  done,  the 
aforesaid  friar  went  to  the  church  to  celebrate  mass.  The 
introit  of  the  mass  was  Circumdederiint  ine^  etc.  as  for  one 
deceased,  and  all  things  were  in  like  form.  Mass  being- 
ended,  the  aforesaid  friar  returned  in  his  sacred  vestments 
carrying  the  Body  of  the  Lord,  in  order  to  strengthen  the 
said  Sir  Reynold  by  the  receiving  of  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  the  Lord.  On  his  entering  the  chamber,  the  aforesaid 
Reynold  wished  to  rise  from  his  bed,  but  he  could  not,  by 
reason  of  his  exceeding  weakness.  About  ten  persons  were 
standing  around,  and  to  them  he  said  : — '  Alas  !  Why  do 
'  ye  not  suffer  me  to  rise  to  meet  my  Saviour  and  Redeem- 
'  er  .'' '  These  were  his  last  words.  Henry  then  gave  him  the 
Communion  and  afterwards  anointed  him.  Then  the  afore- 
said friar,  with  the  other  priests  and  clerks  there  present,  be- 
gan the  Commendation.  After  this,  as  Sir  Reynold  was  still 
alive,  they  began  to  say  the  Commendation  again,  and  when 
they  had  recited  the  words  : — '  All  ye  saints,  pray  for  him, ' 
he  fell  asleep  in  the  Lord,  without  a  groan  or  any  apparent 
pain,  with  his  body  laid  out  and  straightened,  and  his  mouth 
and  eyes  closed,  without  help  of  anyone  such  as  is  wont  to 
be  given  to  men  after  they  have  breathed  their  last.  " 

The  corpse  w^as  in  due  course  removed  from  Torre 
to  New^enham  Abbey  and  there  buried  beside  the 
high  altar.  The  writer  of  the  foregoing  narrative, 
who  does  not  profess  to  be  a  contemporary,  adds  : — 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  29 

"  When  the  pavement  of  the  presbytery  was  laid,  his 
body  was  found  in  his  sarcophagus,  whole  and  in  no  wise 
injured,  and  it  remains  to  this  day  incorrupt,  exhaling  a 
most  fragrant  odour.  This  very  body  I  have  seen  and 
touched,  and  for  three  days  it  lay  open  to  public  view  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1333.  "  ^ 

Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun  married  two  wives,  the 
first  of  whom  was  unquestionably  named  Hawis. 
Several  of  his  benefactions  already  noticed  were 
made  for  the  benefit  of  her  soul.  As  far  back  as 
the  year  1350,  John  Osberne,  the  untrustworthy 
chronicler  of  the  Mohun  family,  described  her  as  a 
sister  of  William  Mandeville,  Earl  of  Essex.  ^  Dugdale, 
perceiving  perhaps  that  this  nobleman  was  contemp- 
orary with  Sir  Reynold's  father,  makes  her  a  sister 
of  Humphrey  de  Bohun,  Earl  of  Essex,  although  he 
professes  to  get  his  information  from  the  very  book 
which  calls  Humphrey  her  cousin.  ^  Others  have 
chosen  to  describe  her  a  daughter  of  John  Fitz 
Geoffrey.  *  On  the  other  hand,  two  quarterly  shields 
of  the  later  Mohuns  give  the  arms  of  Fleming 
immediately  after  those  of  Briwere,  thus  suggesting 
that  a  Mohun  married  a  Fleming  heiress  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  ^  Such  evidence  is  not  of  much 
intrinsic  value,  but  it  acquires  force  when  found  to  be 
consistent  with  definite  facts.  Sir  William  Pole  has 
preserved  copies  of  two  deeds  by  which  William  son 
of  William  Fleming  conveyed  to  Reynold  de  Mohun 
the  manors  of  Ottery  and  Stoke,  and  a  third  deed  by 
which  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,     the    overlord,    ap- 

1  Newenham  Chartulary,  ff.  26  b,  27.  Mohun  Chronicle. 

There  are  independent  translations  in  ^  Baronage  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  497. 

Davidson's  Newenham  Abbey  (pp.  211-  ■•  Harl.  MS.  807,  f.  73;  The  Visitation 

214)  and  Oliver's  Ecclesiastical  Antiqui-  of  Cornwall,  1620. 

ties  in  Devon  (vol.  i.  pp.  206-208).  *  The   Visitation    of  Devon,    1620  ; 

*  St.    George's    extracts    from    the  Monument  in  Lanteglos  Church. 

30  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

proved  William  Fleming's  grants  to  Reynold  de 
Mohun  of  the  manors  of  Stoke,  Ottery,  Olditch  and 
Pinford.  ^  Although  the  original  conveyances  are  not 
extant,  it  further  appears  that  the  manors  of  Luppit 
and  Farway,  also  in  Devonshire,  passed  from  the 
Flemings  to  the  Mohuns.  ^  In  support  of  his  own 
story,  John  Osberne  states  that  William  de  Mande- 
ville.  Earl  of  Essex,  granted  the  manors  of  Streatley, 
in  Berkshire,  to  Reynold  de  Mohun,  to  be  held  by 
him  by  service  of  a  quarter  of  a  fee.  ^  If  Reynold 
married  before  the  Earl's  death  in  1227,  this  is 
likely  enough.  He  certainly  had  a  house  at  Streatley 
in  1233,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he 
bought  this  property  in  a  distant  county.  *  The  nature 
of  the  transaction  becomes  clearer  when  we  find  that 
the  Earls  of  Essex  were  merely  the  overlords  of 
Streatley,  and  that  William  Fleming  held  three 
quarters  of  a  fee  there  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  "  Lastly,  attention  may  be  drawn  to  the 
fact  that,  in  1283,  one  of  the  buildings  at  Dunster 
Castle  was  known  as  the  '  Fleming  Tower, '  doubtless 
that  which  was  afterwards  called  '  Dame  Hawis's 
Tower.' ^  In  defiance  therefore  of  the  older  genealog- 
ists, we  may  fairly  hold  that  Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun 
married  firstly  Hawis  daughter  and  heiress  of 
William  Fleming.  By  her  he  had  at  least  four 
children : — 

John,  who  predeceased  him.  Little  is  known  about 
him  except  that  he  died  in  Gascony  between  1252 
and  I  254.  His  body  was  brought  back  to  England 
and  buried  at  Bruton  Priory,  while  his  heart  was 

'  MS.  at  Queen's  College,   Oxford,  Mohun  Chronicle, 
ff.  13,  iS"*,  21.  ■•  Close  Rolls,  12^^1-1234,  P-  226. 

^  Testa  de  Ncvill,   p.   178  ;   Feudal  ^  Feudal  Aids,  vol.  i.  p.  65  ;  Testa  de 

Aids,  vol  i.  p.  330.  Nerill,  pp.  ill,  125. 

^  St.    George's    extracts    from    the  "  See  Chapter  xi. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  31 

buried  at  Newenham  Abbey  before  the  high 
altar.  ^  In  1254,  Reynold  de  Mohun  entered  into 
an  elaborate  agreement  with  the  Prior  and  Convent 
of  Bath  as  to  certain  masses  that  were  to  be  said 
for  the  benefit  of  the  soul  of  his  eldest  son  John, 
then  deceased,  of  his  own  soul  and  of  the  souls  of 
his  wives,  his  ancestors  and  his  successors.  The 
monks  thereby  undertook  that  mass  should  be 
celebrated  daily  to  the  end  of  time  by  one  of  their 
own  number  attached  to  the  Priory  of  Dunster,  or 
by  a  respectable  secular  chaplain,  "  in  the  upper 
chapel  "  of  Dunster  Castle  dedicated  to  St.  Stephen, 
unless  prevented  by  war,  by  ecclesiastical  interdict, 
or  by  order  of  the  castellan,  in  any  of  which 
events  it  was  to  be  celebrated  in  the  chapel  of 
St.  Lawrence  belonging  to  the  Priory  below 
{inferius).  To  ensure  due  performance  of  this, 
they  gave  Reynold  de  Mohun  right  of  distraint 
upon  their  land  at  Alcombe.  He  on  his  side 
granted  to  them  fifty  marks  for  the  purchase  of 
rents  and  undertook  that  the  necessary  books, 
vestments,  lights  and  ornaments  should  be  provided 
by  himself  and  his  heirs,  owners  of  the  Castle. 
Although  the  Prior's  deed  is  dated  at  Ottery, 
in  Devonshire,  the  witnesses  came  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Dunster.  ^ 

John  de  Mohun  had  married  Joan  daughter  of 
William  de  Ferrers,  Earl  of  Derby,  a  younger 
sister  of  his  stepmother,  and  by  her  he  left  issue: — 

John,  his  heir. 

Robert. ' 

»  0]x\&v'^  Monasticon  DioccesisExon.  vol.  i.  Y>^.202,2\i;Calendar  of  Patent 

pp.  362.  363.  Rolls,    12^2-1281,  p.    189.     An    elder 

-  b  C  M    XVI    I.     A  copy  on  paper,  brother   Reynold   is    also    mentioned, 

endorsed  "  For  the  Castell  Masse.  "  perhaps  in  error.    Curia  Regis  Roll,  no. 

*  Palgrave's   Parliamentary    Writs,  i6o,  m.  34". 

32  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

John  de  Mohun  seems  to  have  been  a  tenant  in 
chief  in  right  of  his  wife.  After  his  death,  the 
King  granted  her  marriage  to  Peter  de  Chauvent. 
The  widow,  however,  chose  to  marry  Robert 
Aguylon  and  he  had  to  pay  a  forfeit  of  200  marks 
to  the  grantee.  ^ 

AUce,  married,  while  a  mere  child,  to  William  de 
Clinton,  the  younger,  who  settled  on  her  land  to 
the  considerable  value  of  40/.  a  year.  ^  She  after- 
wards married  Robert  de  Beauchamp  the  younger 
of  Hatch,  in  Somerset.  To  them  her  father.  Sir 
Reynold,  conveyed  an  estate  known  as  '  the  Soke 
of  Mohun, '  with  appurtenances,  liberties  and  ad- 
vowsons  in  the  City  of  London  and  without,  between 
Fleet  Bridge  and  Charing  Cross.  ^  This  they,  ere 
long,  alienated  to  the  Abbot  and  Convent  of  West- 
minster. * 

Juliana,  married  to  William  de  Lisle.  To  them  her 
father  gave  an  estate  at  Walton  in  Northamptonshire 
which  was  part  of  the  Briwere  inheritance.  ^ 

Lucy,  married  to  John  de  Grey  of  Codnor.  ^ 

Sir  Reynold  de  Mohun's  second  wife  was  Isabel 
relict  of  Sir  Gilbert  Basset,  and  daughter  of  William 
de  Ferrers,  Earl  of  Derby,  With  her  he  received  in 
frank  marriage  ten  hides  of  land  at  Mildenhall,  in 
Wiltshire,  and  afterwards  a  share  of  the  great  inher- 
itance of  her  maternal  uncles  the  Marshals,  successive 
Earls  of  Pembroke.  She  died  in  1 260.  ^  By  her  he 
had  issue  : — 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  RoUs,i  24^-1 2  ^8,  "  St.    George's    extracts    from    the 

p.  495;  Curia  Regis  Rolls,  no.  i8i,  tn. 11;  Mohun  Chronicle, 

no.  160.  m.  34''.  '  Testa    dc    Ncvill,    p.    153  ;    Close 

-  Close  Rolls,  1234-123^,  p.  505.  Rolls,  36  Hen.   HI.  mm.  22,  17,  i"* ;  37 

*  Beauchamp  Chartulary,  f.  loi.  Hen.   HI.    mm.   19,  11  ;  39  Hen.    HI. 

*  Feet  of  Fines,  Divers  Counties,  36  m.  24'' ;  Patent  Roll,  37  Hen.  HI.  m.  18  ; 
Hen.  HI.  Inq.  postmortem,  C.Hen.HI.  file  25(13). 

*  Ibid.  40  Hen.  HI. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  33 

Sir  William,  who  was  born  in  1254.  He  was  con- 
sequently a  mere  boy  at  the  time  of  his  mother's 
death.  ^  In  1262,  the  King  sold  his  wardship  and 
marriage  to  William  la  Zouche  for  200  marks.  ^ 
Through  his  mother,  he  inherited  the  manors  of 
Mildenhall,  in  Wiltshire,  and  Greywell,  in  Hamp- 
shire, lands  at  Sturminster  Marshal,  in  Dorset,  and 
Magor  near  Monmouth,  and  a  larger  estate  in 
Kildare  and  Kilkenny.  He  also  obtained  from  his 
half-nephew,  John  de  Mohun  of  Dunster,  the 
manors  of  Galmton,  Stoke  Fleming  and  Ottery 
called  afterwards  Ottery  Mohun,  and  other  property 
in  Devonshire,  all,  however,  subject  to  the  over- 
lordship  of  the  head  of  the  family.  ^  In  1 277,  he 
was  summoned  to  perform  military  service  in  per- 
son against  Llewellyn,  Prince  of  Wales.  *  Three 
years  later,  he  went  on  pilgrimage  to  Santiago  in 
Spain.  '  He  ought  to  have  attended  a  muster  at 
Rhuddlan  at  the  beginning  of  August  1282,  but 
he  died  on  the  17th  of  that  month  at  his  home  at 
Ottery.  ^  He  was  buried  near  his  father  in  the 
choir  of  Newenham  Abbey.  ^ 
By  Beatrice,  his  wife.  Sir  William  de  Mohun  had 
issue  four  children  : — 

Reynold,  who  died  under  age  in  1284. 
Eleanor,   who    was    born    at    Stoke    Fleming,    in 
August  1 28  I,  and  married  John  de  Carew.  ^ 

>  Inquisition,  as  above  ;  Calendar  of  overlooked,  removes  all  difinculty. 

Close  Rolls,  1272-1279,  pp.  287,  296.  *  Palgrave's   Parliamentary    Writs, 

*  Excerpta  e  Rotulis  Finium,  vol.  ii.  vol.  i.  p.  194. 

p.  365.  »  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1272-1281 

»  Feudal  Aids,  vol.  i.  pp.  317,  3I9.  PP-  36i,  364- 

329,    331.     Sir    William   de   Mohuns  «  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Edw.  I.  file 

possession  of  lands  formerly  belonging  30  (8)  ;  file  39  (6)  ;  Money's  History  of 

to  his  stepmother's  family  was  a  cause  Ncivbury,  p.  122. 

of  error  to  me  in  1880,  and  afterwards  '  Oliver's  Monasticon  DioecesisExon. 

to  Mr.    Hunt  (Dictionary  of  National  p.  363. 

Biographv,  vol.    xxxviii,  p.   mi.     The  **  Inq.  post  mortem.  C.  Edw.  I.  file  25, 

condition  of  his  tenure,  which  1   had  nos.  43,  123. 

34  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

Margaret,  who  died  under  age. 

Mary,  who  was  born  posthumously  at  Mildenhall, 
in  December  1282,  and  married  Sir  John  of 
Meriet  before  she  was  fourteen  years  of  age.  ^ 

The  wardship  of  the  heir,  and  afterwards  of  the 
co-heirs,  was  given  to  Eleanor,  the  King's  mother.  ^ 
In  1288,  Beatrice  de  Mohun  paid  100/.  for  royal 
licence  to  marry  a  second  husband.  She  was  a 
desirable  widow,  as  she  had  a  considerable  dower.  ^ 

James,  a  clerk.  While  a  student  at  Oxford  in  1267, 
he  received  a  royal  grant  of  two  oaks  from  Shot- 
over  for  his  fuel.  *  In  due  course  he  proceeded  to 
the  degree  of  Master.  He  was  only  in  subdea- 
con's  orders  when  instituted  to  the  rectory  of 
Walkhampton  in  Devonshire,  in  1 276.  ^  The  par- 
sonage of  Brompton  which  he  afterwards  obtained 
cannot  be  located  with  any  certainty.  ^  He  had 
a  small  estate  of  his  own  at  Horswell  and  South 
Milton,  in  Devonshire.  '  He  was  living  in  Decem- 
ber 1322.^  By  a  will  proved  early  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  he  bequeathed  a  messuage  near  Newgate 
to  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  St.  Bartholomew's, 
Smithfield,  in  order  that  they  should  provide  two 
chaplains  to  say  mass  daily  for  his  soul,  one  in  their 
own  church  and  the  other  in  the  church  of 
St.  Sepulchre.  ^ 

Isabel,  who  is  said  to  have  married  Edmund  Deyn- 
court.  ^^ 

*  Ibid.  29  Edw.  I.  no.  6;  C.  Edw.  HI.       pp.  Ii8,  213. 

Ale  2  [S)  ;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 2g6-  ^  Feudal    Aids,  vol.  i.  pp.  324,  351, 

1302,  pp.  134,  148.  396. 

*  Calendar  o/Palciii  Rolls,  1 2Si-i2g2,  "  Calendar    of  Patent  Rolls,   i$2i- 
pp.  52,  128,  468.  ^324,    p.   230  ;  Feet  of   Fines,  Divers 

*  Ihid.   p.   298;    Calendar  of  Close  Counties,  11  Edw.  II. 

Rolls,    i2yQ-i2SS,  p.  198.  ^  Calendar    of  Patent  Rolls,    1321- 

*  Close  Roll,  52  Hen.  III.  m.  12.  1324,  p.  283. 

•''  Bronscombe's  Register,  1".  76.  '"  St.   George's    extracts    from    the 

*  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  I2g2-i  301,       Mohun  Chronicle. 

CH.  I.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  35 

John  de  Mohun,  son  of  John,  son  of  Reynold, 
was  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  grandfather's  death, 
and  as  soon  as  the  news  of  it  reached  Windsor,  the 
King  granted  his  wardship  and  marriage  and  the 
charge  of  his  estates  to  Queen  Eleanor.  ^  On  the 
ist  of  August  1265,  Sir  William  of  Berkeley  landed 
at  Minehead  with  a  number  of  Welshmen,  intending 
to  ravage  the  county  of  Somerset.  Adam  Gurdon, 
who  was  then  warden  of  Dunster  Castle,  at  once 
sallied  out  to  meet  them  and  put  them  to  flight. 
Those  who  escaped  the  sword  were  drowned."  Gurdon 
is  known  to  have  been  an  adherent  of  the  insurgent 
barons,  and  to  have  collected  a  number  of  their 
partisans  at  Dunster.  ^  He  was,  however,  ejected 
soon  after  the  battle  of  Evesham,  and  Alan  Plugenet 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  fortress  in  his  stead.  * 
The  wardship  of  the  Mohun  lands  was  afterwards 
transferred  from  the  Queen  to  Richard,  King  of 

On  attaining  his  majority,  John  de  Mohun  did 
homage  to  Henry  the  Third,  and  he  obtained  Hvery  of 
his  inheritance  in  October  1269. '  He  was  summon- 
ed in  1 277  to  do  military  service  against  Llewellyn, 
Prince  of  Wales,  and  he  went  accompanied  by  his 
brother  Robert  de  Mohun  and  Thomas  du  Pyn.  ^  He 
was  Httle  more  than  thirty  years  of  age  at  the  time 
of  his  death  in  1279.  The  inquisitions  then  taken 
give  valuable  information  about  the  knights'  fees 
belonging  to  the  Honour  of  Dunster,  and  show  that 
he  held  in   his  own   hands  the  manors   of   Dunster, 

1  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1 247-1 2  =^8,  ^  Miscellaneous  Inquisitions, 

pp.  614,  616  ;  Close  Rolls  42  Hen.  Ill,  *  Patent  Roll,  49  Hen.  111.  m.  10. 

ni.  10  ;  49  Hen.  III.  m.  6  ;  Assize  Roll.  ^  Close  Roll,  53  Hen.  III.  m.  i 

no   1203  m  4  ^  Palgrave's  Parliameittary    Writs, 

•'  Willelmi  Rishanger  Chronica  (R.S.),  vol.  i.  pp.  195,  202,  210,  211  ;  Calendar 

p.  41.  of  Patent  Rolls,  1272-128 1,  p.  189. 

36  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

Carhampton,  Cutcombe,  Minehead,  Kilton  and  He 
Brewer  in  Somerset,  Whichford  in  Warwickshire, 
Bradworthy,  Torre  Mohun,  Cadleigh  and  Ugborough 
in  Devonshire,  and  Luton  in  Bedfordshire.  ^  They 
do  not  make  any  mention  of  the  manor  of  Streatley, 
which  had  been  let  to  Maud,  Countess  of  Hereford, 
for  her  Hfe.  " 

By  Eleanor  Fitzpiers,  his  wife,  Sir  John  de  Mohun 
left  an  only  son,  John.  The  widow  Eleanor  married 
Sir  William  Martin. ' 

John  de  Mohun  the  third  was  of  course  a  minor 
at  the  time  of  his  father's  death.  The  right  of 
tendering  a  suitable  lady  to  him  in  marriage  at  the 
proper  time  was  granted  by  the  Crown  to  Robert 
Tibetot  in  July  1279.  "*  His  lands  meanwhile  proved 
useful  for  the  satisfaction  of  different  annuities  that  had 
been  promised  by  the  King.  The  manor  and  castle 
of  Dunster  were  thus  committed,  in  May  1280,  to 
Francesco  d'Accorso,  the  learned  civilian  whom 
Edward  the  First  had  brought  from  Bologna  to  assist 
him  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  '  The 
manors  of  Whichford  and  He  Brewer  were  similarly 
committed  to  Amaury  de  St.  Amand. '  In  June  1 28  i , 
John  de  Vescy,  a  first  cousin  of  the  late  John  de 
Mohun,  obtained  a  definite  grant  of  Dunster  Castle 
and  other  lands  until  the  heir  should  come  of  age.  ' 
The  Abbot  of  Cleeve  and  the  Prior  of  Dunster  were 
made  responsible  to  him  for  the  arms  and  armour, 
necessary   for   the   defence   of   the   Castle,    that  had 

1  Inq.postmortem,C.Ed\v.I.file22(i);  *  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls  12^2-1281, 

file  43  (6).  p.  318- 

-  Feet  of  Fines,  Berks,  i  Edw.  I.  *  /fe/'rf.  p.  374;  Maxwell  Lyte's  H/s/or)- 

*  Inquisitions,  as  above ;  F<;»rf<7/^/(/5,  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  pp.  88,  89. 

vol.  i.  pp.  318,  349,  352,  380;  vol.  iv.  ^  Calendaro/Putent Rolls,  12^2-1281, 

pp.  302,  334  ;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  p.  444. 

i272-i27g,  pp.  539,  540  ;  Calendar  of  '  Ibid.  1281-121)2,  p.  8  ;  Calendar  of 

Charter  Rolls,  vol.  ii.  p.  264.  Close  Rolls,  i27g-i28S,  p.  149. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  37 

been  temporarily  placed  in  their  respective  houses.  ^ 
The  young  heir  himself  continued  in  the  wardship 
of  the  King  under  the  charge  of  a  tutor  named  John 
Launcelewe,  and  the  accounts  of  the  royal  wardrobe 
record  payments  for  his  saddles,  bridles,  leggings  and 
spurs.  ^  He  obtained  livery  of  his  lands  in  1290, 
from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  was  born 
in  1269.  ^ 

In  the  course  of  a  fairly  long  life,  John  de  Mohun 
did  something  towards  consolidating  his  scattered 
estates.  Thus,  in  1299,  he  made  over  to  the  King 
all  his  share  of  the  Marshal  inheritance  in  Kildare, 
in  exchange  for  the  manor  of  Long  Compton,  in 
Warwickshire,  adjoining  his  own  manor  of  Which- 
ford.  *  There  is  also  reason  to  believe  that  he 
exchanged  the  manor  of  He  Brewer  in  Somerset, 
some  twenty-four  miles  from  Dunster,  for  that  of 
Goring,  in  Oxfordshire,  separated  only  by  the  Thames 
from  his  own  manor  of  Streatley.  ' 

It  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  the  different 
expeditions  in  which  Sir  John  de  Mohun  did  military 
service  against  the  French  in  Gascony  and  Flanders, 
against  the  Welsh,  and,  more  frequently,  against  the 
Scots,  but  it  may  be  noted  that  on  one  occasion  he 
is  described  as  a  banneret.  In  February  1299,  he 
received  his  first  writ  of  summons  to  Parliament.  ** 
According  to  modern  ideas,  he  thus  became  a  heredi- 
tary peer,  and  he  is  therefore  called  Lord  Mohun 
in  numerous   books   and   pedigrees.      No  such  titles 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  I28i-i2g2,  Rolls  of  Ireland,  12Q5-IS03,  pp.  369-371. 
p.  24.  '  Feudal  Aids,  vol.  iv.  pp.  154,  170, 

*  Miscellanea,  Chancery,  bundle  4.  176,  291,  314. 

^  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls, I28i-i2g2,  *  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1296-1302, 

p.  356.  pp.  7,  22,  98,  346  ;  Palgrave's  Parlia- 

*  Originalia  Roll,  8  Edw.  I.  m.  14  ;  mentary  Writs,  vol.  i.  p.  740;  vol.  ii. 
Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1296-1302,  pp.  1176-1178  ;  Calendar  of  Patent 
p.   324  ;   Calendar  of  Charter    Rolls,  Rolls,  1301-1302,  p.  231. 

vol.  ii.  p.  480  ;  Calendar  of  the  Justiciary 

38  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.         ch.  i. 

were,  however,  known  in  his  day.  In  the  famous 
letter  of  the  EngUsh  barons  to  the  Pope,  he  is  simply 
styled  'John  de  Mohun,  lord  of  Dunsterre.  '  By 
virtue  of  his  tenure  he  was  indeed,  like  his  ancestors, 
one  of  the  Greater  Barons  of  the  realm,  but  a  writ 
of  summons  did  not  at  that  period  confer  any  title 
upon  the  recipient.  He  was  never  styled  '  Lord  de 
Mohun  '  in  his  lifetime,  and  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  who 
sat  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  reign  of  Henry 
the  Fourth,  was  just  as  truly  '  lord  of  Dunster '  as 
any  of  the  Mohuns,  and  was  often  so  styled. 

When  Edward  the  Second  was  about  to  be 
crowned,  thirty-two  ecclesiastics,  and  a  hundred  and 
eight  of  the  principal  nobles  and  officers  of  state 
were  summoned  to  attend  the  ceremony,  and  John  de 
Mohun  was  of  course  included  in  the  number.  He, 
or  his  namesake,  John  Mohun  of  Ham,  was  implicated 
in  the  proceedings  of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster, 
but  he  seems  to  have  adhered  to  the  King  when  the 
Earl  rose  in  open  rebellion  some  years  later.  Writs 
of  summons  to  successive  Parliaments  and  Councils 
continued  to  be  issued  to  him  until  July  1330^ 
Attendance  in  Parliament  was  then  more  of  a  burden 
than  of  an  honour,  and  the  recipients  of  such  writs 
were  sometimes  allowed  to  send  proxies.  *  Thus  it 
was  that,  in  1329,  when  John  de  Mohun  was  aged 
and  infirm,  he  obtained  specific  licence  to  send  his 
son  Robert — who  was  not  his  heir — to  do  military 
service  in  his  stead  and  to  occupy  his  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment. ^ 

John  de  Mohun  the  third  was  married  twice. 
His  first  wife  was  Ada  Tibetot,  presumably  a  daughter 

'  Palgrave,  as  above.  vol.  iv.  pp.  408,  462. 

-  Palj^rave,  vol.  ii.  p.  267  ;  Report  on  ^  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1327-1 330, 

the  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  vol.  iii.  p.  166  ;       p.  383. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  39 

of  Robert  Tibetot  to  whom  his  marriage  had  been 
granted.  By  her  he  had  issue  seven  or  eight  sons 
and  one  daughter  ^ : — 

Sir  John  de  Mohun  the  fourth.  He  married  in  May 
1305,  Christian,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Segrave, 
who  had  a  fortune  of  400/.  In  consideration  of 
this  sum,  his  father  undertook  to  maintain  them 
and  to  give  her  a  dower  of  100  marks  a  year  in 
the  event  of  his  surviving  her  husband,  who  would 
otherwise  succeed  to  property  valued  at  600/.  a 
year. "  It  is  clear  that  the  young  couple  were 
under  age  at  the  time.  Little  is  known  about 
John  de  Mohun  the  fourth  except  that  he  fought 
at  the  battle  of  Boroughbridge  in  1322,  and  died 
in  Scotland  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  ^  A 
statement  that  he  was  buried  in  the  church  of  the 
Grey  Friars  at  York  rests  upon  very  questionable 
authority.  * 
He  left  issue  : — 

John  de  Mohun  the  fifth. 

Margaret,  who  married  John  de  Carew. 

Elizabeth,  who  died  without  issue.  ^ 

Sir  Robert,  already  mentioned.  He  married  Eliza- 
beth, daughter  and  heir  of  Simon  de  Roges  of 
Porlock.  The  marriage  does  not  seem  to  have 
turned  out  happily,  for,  after  his  murder  about  the 
end  of  I  3  3  I ,  his  relict  and  her  mother  were  ahke 
suspected  of  being  privy  to  the  crime.  Very  Httle 
is  known  about  the  circumstances  beyond  the  fact 
that   a   neighbour,   John    of   Luccombe,   was   the 

'  Archcsological  Journal,  vol.  xxxvii,  vol.  ii.  part  2,  p.  198. 

p.  89.  ^  The  Visitation  of  Devon,  1620. 

2  Patent  Roll,  33  Edw.  I.  part  i.  m.  9.  '-  Archceological  journal,  as  above. 
^  Palgrave's  Parliamentary    Writs, 

40  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

chief  person  implicated.  The  widow  soon  married 
another  husband,  Sir  Robert  of  Stockhey.  ^  The 
date  of  her  death  is  not  recorded,  but  she  must 
have  been  succeeded  by  a  son,  for,  in  1353,  there 
is  mention  of  John  de  Mohun  of  Porlock,  knight, 
who  is  elsewhere  described  as  son  of  Sir  Robert 
de  Mohun.  '  The  Mohuns  of  Fleet,  in  Dorset, 
claimed  descent  from  him.  ^ 
Baldwin,  a  clerk.  He  received  the  first  tonsure  from 
the  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  in  131  5,  but  he  did 
not  obtain  any  preferment  in  the  west  of  England, 
and  there  are  some  grounds  for  supposing  that  he 
married  a  lady  of  the  Clavering  family.  *  In  i  342, 
he  served  on  several  judicial  commissions  in  War- 
wickshire, apparently  in  the  capacity  of  a  local 
magnate. '  In  that  very  year,  however,  he  again 
turned  his  thoughts  to  the  church,  and  powerful 
patrons,  the  Earl  of  Lancaster  and  Queen  Isabella, 
recommended  him  to  the  Pope  for  a  canonry  \ 
Although  described  in  1342  as  holding  the  church 
of  Whichford,  which  was  in  the  gift  of  his  nephew, 
Sir  John  de  Mohun,  he  was  not  actually  instituted 
thereto  until  1344.  A  parson  appointed  in  the 
previous  year  may  have  been  put  in  for  a  time, 
while  he  was  qualifying  by  proceeding  to  priest's 
orders.  ^  At  some  later  date,  he  held  the  living  of 
Fordingbridge.  ^  In  1348,  he  was  presented  by 
the   King   to   the  prebend  of  Warminster  in  the 

•  Chadwyck  Hez\ey's  History  of  part  ioo;Dngd:i\e's  Antiquities  of  Warwick- 

of  West  Somerset,  PY^.  2 ^^-2^2.  s/n/r,  (ed.  1765)  p.  418. 

-  Calendar  of  Ctosc  Rolls,  134Q-13S4,  *  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    1340- 

p.  619  ;  GasconKoll,  24  Edw.  III.  m.  2.:  1343,  pp.  448,  559,  590. 

Calendar  of  Patent   Rolls,   1343-JJ4S,  "  Calendar  of  Petitions  to  the  Pope, 

p.  133.    Mr.  Chadwyck  Healey  did  not  vol.  i,  pp.  7,  26. 

know  of  the  entry  on  the  Close  Roll.  ^  Dugdale,  as  above. 

^  See  Appendix.  *  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1 350-1 334, 

••  Drokensford's  Register  (S.R.S.) pp.69,  p.  43. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  41 

cathedral  church  of  Salisbury,  but  he  died  in  the 
course  of  the  next  two  years.  ^ 

Payn,  first  mentioned  in  1323,  when  he  received 
episcopal  licence  to  choose  his  own  confessor.  ^  In 
the  following  year,  he  again  had  recourse  to  the 
bishop  in  order  to  compel  his  father  to  deliver 
50  marks  and  a  cope  adorned  with  gold  and  relics 
which  his  mother  Ada  had  bequeathed  to  him  and 
three  of  her  other  younger  children.  ^  After  the 
murder  of  his  brother.  Sir  Robert,  already  men- 
tioned, Payn  de  Mohun  was  very  active  in  trying 
to  bring  the  guilty  persons  to  justice.  ^  From  his 
father  he  received  the  manor  of  Cutcombe,  but 
the  gift  was  limited  to  the  term  of  his  life. "  In 
1344  and  1345,  he  went  abroad  with  various 
knights  and  others  in  the  retinue  of  Henry  of 
Lancaster,  Earl  of  Derby.  ^ 

Sir  Reynold,  ancestor  of  the  Mohuns  of  Cornwall.  ^ 

Patrick,  who  received  from  his  father  the  manor  of 
Bradworthy,  in  Devon,  but  only  for  the  term  of 
his  life.  ^  He  seems  to  have  acted  as  receiver  for 
the  relict  of  his  nephew,  the  last  Lady  de  Mohun  of 
Dunster,  and  she  allowed  him  to  live  at  Marsh- 
wood.  An  arrangement  to  this  effect  was  ratified, 
in  1398,  by  her  daughter,  Lady  Fitzwalter,  who 
claimed  the  reversion,  which  she  never  obtained  \ 

Hervey,  who  seems  to  have  made  himself  useful  to 
several  persons  of  importance.  Lady  Blanche  Wake 
obtained  for  him  an  annuity  of  i  o  marks  from  the 

•  Ibid.     134S-13SO,   pp.     Ill,    201  ;  Rolls,  134S-1350,  p.  58  ;  Lay  Subsidies. 

Calendar  of  Petitions  to  the  Pope,  vol.  i.  169/5. 

p.  205.  "^  Kymer's  FcErffc-ra,  vol.  iii.  pp.  II,  40. 

»  Drokenford:s Register  (S.R.S.)^.2it.  '  See  Appendix. 

3  Ibid.  p.  231.  *  Feet  of  Fines,  as  above. 

<  Chadwyck  ilealey,  as  above.  *  D.C.M.  ix.  3  ;xvii.  t;  xxxi.  2  ;  Inq. 

'"  Feet  of  Fines,  divers  counties,  22  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  IV.  no.  33. 
Edw.  ni  (no.  422)  \Calendar  of  Patent 

42  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.         ch.  i. 

Crown.  ^  Henry,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  her  brother, 
gave  him  an  annuity  of  i  o/.  and  Sir  John  de  Mohun, 
his  own  nephew,  appointed  him  baiUfF  of  the  Hun- 
dred of  Carhampton.  ^  He  died  in  1349,  the  year 
of  the  Black  Death.  ^ 

Laurence,  who  is  stated  to  have  been  the  ancestor  of 
the  Mohuns  of  Tavistoclc.  Nothing,  however,  is 
really  known  about  him.  * 

Eleanor,  who  married  Sir  Ralph  of  Wellington,  ap- 
parently in  1324.  ■' 

Ada,  the  first  wife  of  John  de  Mohun  the  third, 
died  in  or  before  1324.  His  second  wife  was  Sibyl 
relict  of  Sir  Henry  de  Lorty.  ^  In  February  1325, 
a  priest  named  Robert  of  Plympton  was  appointed 
confessor  to  Sir  John  de  Mohun  and  Sibyl  his  wife  \ 
In  June  1330,  Sir  John  entered  into  a  recognisance 
to  Bartholomew  of  Burghersh  in  the  then  colossal 
sum  of  10,000/.  the  intention  of  which  is  not  stated, 
although  probably  connected  with  a  matrimonial 
project.**  He  died  a  few  weeks  later,  on  the  25th 
of  August.  ^  He  had  been  more  interested  in  the 
Benedictines  of  Dunster  than  in  the  Augustinians  of 
Bruton  or  the  Cistercians  of  Newenham,  and  he  was 
buried  in  their  church,  probably  on  the  north  side  of 
the  chancel.  ^^  The  effigy  of  a  widow  in  a  richly 
ornamented  recess  on  the  south  side  of  the  chancel 

1  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  134.6-1^49,  '^  Proceedings  of  Somerset  Archceolo- 

pp.  27,  105,  203,  459,  562,  610.  gical  Society,   vol.   xlii.  p.  46;    Bishop 

-  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,i  348-1350,  Ralph's  Register  (S.R.S),  pp.  49,  161, 189, 

p.  370-  255. 

^  /fe/rf.  p.  412.  '  Drokensford'sRegtster{S.R.S.),p.240. 

*  As  the  Newenham  Register  states  *  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 330-1 333, 
that  John  de  Mohun  the  third  had  seven  p.  143. 

sons  and  then  proceeds  to  enumerate  ^  CartulariesofMtichelney  and  Athel- 

eight,  the  '  et'  before  the  name  of  Lau-  ney  (S.R.S.),  p.  27;   Inq.  post  mortem, 

rence  should  perhaps  he  a  '  vel. '  C.  Edvv.  HI.  file  22. 

*  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1323-1 32J,  '"  T^vo  Chartularics  of  Bath{S.K.9,.), 
p.  192  ;  1330-1333,  P-  144  ;  Calendar  of  L.  p.  182. 

Patent  Rolls,  1 348-1 350,  p.  200. 

CH.  I.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  43 

dates  from  his  time,  and  may  fairly  be  taken  to  repre- 
sent his  mother,  Christian. 

It  is  repeatedly  laid  down  in  books  on  law  "  that 
the  widow  of  a  baron  shall  not  have  dower  out  of 
the  caput  baronice  of  her  late  husband.  "  ^  Nevertheless 
the  dower  assigned  by  the  Crown  to  Sibyl,  Ladv  de 
Mohun,  in  1330,  comprised  the  castle  and  the  manor 
of  Dunster,  the  former  of  which  was  the  caput  of  an 
ancient  barony.  To  these  was  afterwards  added  a 
third  of  the  knights'  fees  pertaining  thereto.  ^  She 
had,  however,  considerable  difficulty  in  establishing 
her  rights.  ^  In  1335,  it  was  reported  to  the  King 
at  Alnwick  that  she  was  dead,  and  no  time  was  lost 
in  disposing  of  the  lands  which  she  held  in  dower, 
but  the  report  proved  false,  and  she  was  certainly 
living  in  1337.  *  There  is  nothing  more  to  be  said 
about  her  except  that  she  kept  a  domestic  chaplain, 
presumably  at  Dunster.  ^ 

John  de  Mohun  the  fifth,  was  about  ten  years 
old  at  the  death  of  his  grandfather  in  1330.^  No 
lord  of  Dunster  had  left  an  heir  of  full  age  since  the 
reign  of  Henry  the  Second,  and  the  Crown  had  got 
the  benefit  of  six  wardships  there  in  the  course  of  a 
hundred  and  fifty-four  years.  Henry  of  Burghersh, 
Bishop  of  Lincoln  and  Chancellor  of  England,  a 
worldly  and  avaricious  prelate,  obtained  the  marriage 
of  the  young  heir  of  Dunster  and  the  custody  of  his 
lands  during  minority,  within  six  days  of  the  death 
of  John  de  Mohun  the  third.  ^ 

1  Madox's  Baronia  Anglica,  pp.  lo,  *  Ibid.  pp.  178,  505. 

42;  Cvmse'sDigiiitiesorTitlesof  Honour  '"Bishop     Ralph's     Register  (S.R.S.), 

etc.                    '  pp.  172,  308. 

*  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1330-1333,  "  mortem,  C.Edvv.  HI.  file 

pp.  96,  481.  22. 

^  RotnliParliaina!toritm,vo].n. p. 71;  '  Calendar    of  Patent  Rolls,    1327- 

Caleiidar    of  Patent  Rolls,   1334-1338,  1330,  P-  55^  ;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls, 

p.  127.  1330-1333,  P-  96. 

44  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

After  a  few  weeks,  however,  he  fell  into  disgrace 
at  Court,  and,  in  January  1331,  the  custody  of 
two  thirds  of  the  Mohun  inheritance  was  transferred 
to  William  of  Ayreminne,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  who  is 
described  as  "  crafty,  covetous  and  treasonable. 
Four  years  later,  we  find  this  prelate  claiming  com- 
pensation from  the  Crown  for  the  dower  assigned  to 
Lady  de  Mohun,  the  widow,  at  Minehead. "  In 
1334,  he  is  mentioned  as  holding  some  of  the  lands, 
the  remainder  and  the  person  of  the  young  heir 
being  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Bartholomew  of  Burghersh, 
a  half-brother  of  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  ^  It  was  at 
the  special  request  of  Sir  Bartholomew  that  John  de 
Mohun  obtained  livery  of  his  lands  in  England 
in  1 341,  without  proving  that  he  was  of  full 
age.  *  By  this  date,  he  had  doubtless  done  what 
was  required  of  him  by  marrying  the  daughter 
of  his  guardian,  Joan  of  Burghersh,  a  lady  who 
plays  a  very  important  part  in  the  history  of  Dunster. 

Sir  John  de  Mohun  the  fifth  did  military  service 
against  the  Scots  in  1341.'^  In  the  following  year 
and  again  in  1345,  he  went  abroad  with  his  father- 
in-law,  who  was  a  distinguished  commander  in  the 
wars  of  Edward  the  Third. '  At  the  battle  of  Crecy, 
he  was  in  the  division  of  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales, 
which  comprised  "  all  the  flower  of  the  chivalry  of 
England.  "  '  He  also  took  part  in  at  least  five 
subsequent  campaigns,  accompanying  the  Prince  of 
Wales  in  1359  and  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  in  1373.*' 

1  Calendar   of-  Patent    Rolls,    1334-  ^  Scotch  Roll,  15  Edw.  III.  m.  2. 

^33^  P-  122  ;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  '^  French  Rolls,  16  Edw.  HI.  m.  26  ; 

1330-1333,  P-  4.36.  19  Edw.  III.  m.  7. 

"  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1 334-1 338,  '  Wrottesley's     Crecy    and    Calais, 

p.  127.  pp,  6,  29,  31,  79,82,  86, 99,  III,  120, 275. 

'  Calendar    of    Close    Rolls,    1333-  **  Dugdale's  Baronage,  vol.  i.  p.  498; 

^557i  PP'  I93i  218.  Rymei's  Fcedera,  vol.  iii.  p.  443. 

*  Ibid.  1341-1343,  p.  166. 

cH.i.         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  45 

One  of  his  horses  named  '  Grisel  Oris  '  was  a  present 
to  him  from  the  former  of  these  great  warriors.  ^ 
As  a  baron,  Sir  John  de  Mohun  was  summoned  to  a 
council  in  1 342,  and  he  received  writs  to  attend 
different  parHaments  between  1348  and  1374.^  If 
he  had  Hved  in  the  following  century,  he  would  have 
been  formally  described  as  '  Lord  de  Mohun  ',  and  he 
was  sometimes  so  styled  in  his  own  lifetime.  ^  On 
the  establishment  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter  in  the 
year  1348,  he  was  nominated  one  of  the  original 
twenty-five  knights.  * 

Sir  John  de  Mohun  seems  to  have  shone  more  in 
war  than  in  peace.  In  i  344,  he  was  indicted  with 
his  uncles,  Payn  and  Patrick  de  Mohun,  and  many 
others  for  various  felonies  in  the  county  of  Somerset.  ^ 
Six  years  later,  he  got  into  serious  trouble  by  attempt- 
ing to  interfere  with  the  administration  of  justice. 
John  Durborough,  one  of  the  military  tenants  of  the 
Honour  of  Dunster,  brought  a  suit  against  him  to 
recover  some  land,  and  when  the  King's  judges  were 
sitting  at  Somerton  to  hear  this  and  other  cases,  Sir 
John  attacked  his  adversary  in  the  middle  of  the 
town,  pursued  him  as  far  as  the  churchyard  and, 
overtaking  him  there,  carried  him  off  on  horseback 
to  Langport.  Such  violence  could  not  be  tolerated 
even  in  a  great  baron,  and,  by  order  of  the  judges, 
the  sheriff  raised  the  hue  and  cry  against  him  and 
rescued  his  captive.  Sir  John  himself  was  commit- 
ted to  prison.  The  assize  roll  does  not  contain  any 
record  of  the  proceedings,  but  the  story  is  told  in  the 
letters  patent  by  which  he  obtained  the  royal  pardon, 

1  Beltz's  Order  of  the  Garter,  p.  383.  "  Anstis's  Register  of  the  Order  of  the 

*  Report  on  the' Dignity   of  a   Peer,  Garter,  vol.  i.  p.  49  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  6. 

vol.  iv.  pp.  539-661.  *  Assize  Roll,  no.  771  ;  Calendar  of 

*  D.C.M.  IX.  2.  Close  Rolls,  1 343-1 346,  p.  361. 

46  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

on  the  intercession  of  some  of  his  peers.  He  did 
not  get  off  without  making  an  ample  apology,  express- 
ing his  willingness  to  incur  forfeiture  of  life  and 
limbs  as  well  as  of  lands  and  goods,  without  hope  of 
mercy,  if  he  should  commit  any  similar  offence  in 
the  future.  ^ 

Associating  with  the  greatest  persons  in  the  realm, 
Sir  John  de  Mohun  seems  from  the  very  beginning 
to  have  lived  beyond  his  means.  A  brief  will  execut- 
ed by  him  as  early  as  September  1342,  suggests  that 
he  was  already  in  difficulties.  After  leaving  his 
body  to  the  regular  canons  of  Bruton,  he  thereby 
bequeathed  all  his  moveable  goods  to  his  wife  and  Sir 
Ivo  de  Glynton,  a  priest,  in  order  that  they  should 
pay  his  creditors  in  the  city  of  London  and  afterwards 
his  other  creditors,  and  do  whatever  they  thought  fit 
for  the  benefit  of  his  soul.  ^  Later  on,  we  find  him 
borrowing  money  from  Sir  James  Audley  and  others.  "* 

In  order  to  understand  the  history  of  Dunster  and 
the  manors  that  went  with  it  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, it  becomes  necessary  to  trace  in  some  detail  the 
manner  in  which  Sir  John  de  Mohun  the  fifth  dealt 
with  his  ample  inheritance.  There  is  no  record  of 
any  settlement  made  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  and 
when  he  obtained  livery  of  his  lands,  there  were  not 
apparently  any  charges  upon  them  except  the  life 
interests  of  some  of  his  uncles.  Within  the  first  few 
years,  however,  he  sold  Cadleigh.  * 

On  the  23rd  of  June  1346,  royal  licence  was 
granted  for  Sir  John  de  Mohun  to  enfeoff  William 
of  Fordham,  clerk,  and  Maud  of  Bourton  of  the 
castle   and  manor  of  Dunster  with  all  knights'   fees 

'  Calendar  of  Patctif  Rolls, i ^48-1^1^0,  ^  Pole  Queen's  College  Oxford, 

p.  500.  ff.  178,  179"  ;  Close  Rolls,  passim. 

*  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  4.  *  Feudal  Aids,  vol.  i.  p.  424. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  47 

and  advowsons  pertaining  thereto,  and  the  manors  of 
Carhampton,  Minehead  and  Kilton,  and  for  them  to 
re-convey  to  him  and  Joan  his  wife  and  the  heirs  of 
their  bodies,  with  remainder  to  his  heirs  general.  ^  By 
a  deed  purporting  to  be  executed  on  the  very  same  day 
at  Titchfield  and  witnessed  by  Sir  John  Durborough, 
Sir  Ralph  Fitzurse,  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell,  John 
Osberne,  constable  of  Dunster,  John  of  Bratton  and 
others,  he  formally  conveyed  the  premises  as  above, 
and  he  also  appointed  attorneys  to  deliver  seisin.  A 
conjecture  may  be  hazarded  that  William  of  Ford- 
ham  was  the  domestic  chaplain  at  the  Castle,  and  that 
Maud  of  Bourton  was  a  personal  attendant  of  Lady 
de  Mohun.  However  this  may  be,  they  were  mere 
instruments.  On  the  i  2th  of  July,  they  duly  exe- 
cuted a  re-conveyance  in  the  terms  of  the  royal  licence, 
witnessed  at  Dunster  by  Sir  John  Durborough,  Sir 
Simon  Furneaux,  Sir  Ralph  Fitzurse,  John  Osberne 
the  constable,  John  of  Bratton,  John  le  Bret  and  John 
Wosham.  By  this  time  Sir  John  de  Mohun  was 
probably  abroad,  and  there  is  no  record  of  livery  of 
seisin  to  him.  "^  It  is  more  material  to  observe  that 
the  transaction  was  carried  further  by  a  fine  levied  in 
Michaelmas  term,  by  which  the  premises  were  settled 
on  Sir  John  de  Mohun  and  Joan  his  wife  and  the 
heirs  male  of  their  bodies,  with  remainder  to  his 
heirs  general.  ^  Whether  the  limitation  to  heirs 
male  was  intended  all  along,  or  introduced  as  an  after- 
thought, it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  it  had  very 
important  consequences.  It  does  not  occur  in  an 
otherwise  similar  settlement  of  the  manor  of  Goring 
made  about  the  same  time.  * 

1  Calendar ofPatnitRolh,  I s^'^-x-.^S.  »  Feet  of  Fines.  Somerset,  20  Edw. 

p.  126.  HI.  (Gieen,  ii.  234.) 

-  D.C.M.  I.  13.  ^  Inq.  post  mortem,  6  33. 

48  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

In  March  1348,  royal  licence  was  obtained  for  Sir 
John  de  Mohun  to  convey  the  reversion  of  the 
manors  of  Cutcombe,  Greywell  and  Sturminster 
Marshal  and  certain  lands  at  Carhampton  and  Kilton 
to  William  Hothorp  and  Richard  Cok,  and  for  them 
to  re-convey  to  him  and  Joan  his  wife  and  the  heirs 
of  their  bodies,  with  remainder  to  his  heirs  general.  ^ 
A  fine  was  accordingly  levied  of  the  premises,  as 
also  of  the  reversion  of  the  manors  of  Ugborough, 
Bradworthy,  Torre  Mohun  and  Streatley,  for  which  no 
licence  was  needed,  as  they  were  not  held  in  chief.  ' 

The  first  effect  of  the  three  fines  mentioned  above 
was  to  give  Lady  de  Mohun  a  life  interest  in  almost 
all  the  manors  belonging  to  her  husband  in  England. 
Nevertheless  he  eventually  managed  to  sell  that  of 
Ugborough  to  Sir  Neal  Loring,  who  also  bought  his 
property  at  Luton,  in  Bedfordshire.  ^ 

The  next  transaction  appears  to  have  been  of  the 
nature  of  a  mortgage.  In  1350,  Sir  John  de  Mohun 
and  Joan  his  wife  demised  the  castle  of  Dunster,  with 
its  fees  and  advowsons,  and  Carhampton,  Rodhuish 
and  Marshwood,  to  Sir  Batholomew  of  Burghersh  the 
elder.  Sir  Bartholomew  of  Burghersh  the  younger 
— her  father  and  brother — Sir  Peter  de  Veel,  Sir  Roger 
la  Ward,  and  Matthew  of  Clevedon,  esquire,  at  the 
nominal  rent  of  a  red  rose  for  four  years,  and  the  exces- 
sive rent  of  400/  afterwards.  "*  They  recovered  pos- 
session at  the  end  of  August  1355,  and  on  the  3rd  of 
September,Sir  John  handed  over  to  his  wife  forty-three 
title  deeds  relating  to  the  manors  of  Dunster,  Mine- 
head,  Torre  Mohun,  Bradworthy  and  Ugborough.  ^ 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  I J48-1 350,  Inquisitions  ad  quod  damnum,  file  386, 

p.  58.  no.  3. 

*  Feet  of  Fines,  Divers  Counties,  22  *  D.C.M.  i.  5. 

Edw.  III.  ■'  Ibid,  and  i.  6. 

^  Inq.  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  IV.  no  33 ; 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  49 

By  this  date  at  any  rate,  Lady  de  Mohun  was 
aiming  at  something  more  than  a  Hfe  interest  in  her 
husband's  estates.  She  seems  indeed  to  have  obtained 
complete  ascendency  over  him,  either  by  the  power 
of  the  purse  or  by  superior  force  of  character.  It 
was  for  her,  and  not  for  him,  that  Walter  de  la  Houe, 
Abbot  of  Newenham,  compiled  a  professedly  historic- 
al work  which  describes  the  first  William  de  Mohun 
as  the  noblest  man  in  the  whole  army  of  William  the 
Conqueror,  and  recounts  how  Reynold  de  Mohun 
was  created  Earl  of  Somerset  by  Pope  Innocent.  ^ 
In  the  Latin  supplement  to  it,  written,  in  1350,  by 
John  Osberne,  constable  of  Dunster,  he  describes  him- 
self as  "  the  clerk  and  servant  "  of  this  "  most 
excellent  and  most  beneficent  "  lady,  "  the  daughter 
of  the  most  illustrious,  active  and  noble  knight.  Sir 
Bartholomew  of  Burghersh,  the  elder,  "  while  her 
husband  is  practically  ignored.  ^ 

In  1369,  Sir  John  and  Lady  de  Mohun,  having 
no  expectation  of  male  issue,  and  relying  on  the  fine 
of  1346,  in  preference  to  the  deed  of  conveyance 
from  William  of  Fordham  and  Maud  of  Bourton  of 
the  same  year,  resolved  to  make  a  fresh  settlement  of 
the  nucleus  of  his  hereditary  property.  Realising 
perhaps  that  the  validity  of  their  proceedings  might 
some  day  be  called  in  question,  they  took  care,  this 
time,  to  select  trustees  of  high  social  rank,  Simon  of 
Sudbury,  Bishop  of  London,  Sir  Aubrey  de  Vere, 
knight,  and  Sir  John  of  Burghersh,  knight.  By 
letters  patent  issued  on  the  6th  of  July,  the  King 
empowered  Sir  John  and  Lady  de  Mohun  to  convey 
the  manor  and  the  hundred  of  Carhampton  to  these 
three  persons,  who  were  at  the  same  time  empowered 

1  See  pp.  2,  3,  22-25,  above.  Mohun   Chronicle  ;    Devon  Notes  and 

-  St.    George's    extracts    from    the      Queries,  vol.  iv.  p.  251. 


50  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

to  dispose  of  them  by  alienation,  gift,  or  demise,  in 
fee  simple  or  otherwise,  according  to  the  pleasure 
and  order  of  the  lady,  conveyance  in  mortmain  being 
alone  forbidden.  ^  The  first  difficulty  having  been 
thus  overcome,  it  was  comparatively  simple  to  obtain 
similar  letters  patent  on  the  24th  and  26th  of  the 
same  month  with  regard  to  the  castle  of  Dunster 
and  the  manors  of  Minehead  and  Kilton.  In  the 
second  transaction,  Richard,  Earl  of  Arundel  was 
associated  with  the  three  trustees  named  above,  but 
he  eventually  retired.  ^  The  trustees  seem  to  have 
entered,  for,  in  i  371,  two  of  them  appointed  attorneys 
to  deliver  to  Patrick  Everard  and  Joan  his  wife  seisin 
of  some  land  in  the  manor  of  Minehead,  and,  in 
1373,  the  Bishop  granted  to  the  same  Patrick  two 
acres  in  the  Hanger  at  Dunster  between  the  ditch 
of  the  vineyard  and  Brooklane.  ^ 

In  1374,  Lady  de  Mohun  arranged  to  sell  the 
reversion  of  the  castle  and  manor  of  Dunster,  the 
manors  of  Minehead  and  Kilton,  and  the  hundred  of 
Carhampton  to  Lady  Elizabeth  Luttrell,  a  widow  of 
noble  birth.  The  purchaser  paid  a  deposit  of  200/. 
to  Lady  de  Mohun,  Aubrey  de  Vere  and  Michael 
atte  Mede,  upon  condition  that  it  should  be  refunded 
to  her  in  case  the  arrangement  were  not  carried 
through.  It  was  distinctly  recognised  that  the  bargain 
might  fail  "  as  in  levying  of  the  fine  or  of  the  grant 
and  lease  of  the  castle,  manors  and  hundred  aforesaid 
with  all  their  appurtenances  cutting  off  the  remain- 
der." *  Sir  John  de  Mohun's  daughters  may  have  raised 
objections,  and  the  Earl  of  Arundel's  withdrawal 
from  the  trust  about  this  time  is  significant.      By  the 

»  D.C.M.  I.  4;     Patent  Roll,  6  Hen.  ^  d.C.M.  i.  13. 

IV.  part  2,  m.  27.  *  D.C.M.  i.  7. 

»  /fe/W. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  51 

summer  of  1375,  matters  had  not  got  beyond  the 
levying  of  a  fine  by  which  the  premises  were  con- 
veyed to  the  trustees  absolutely.  ^  Soon  after  this,  Sir 
John  de  Mohun  died,  the  exact  date  being  the  15th 
of  September  1 375.  ^  He  was  duly  buried  at  Bruton, 
in  accordance  with  the  will  already  mentioned.  In 
the  account  of  the  bailiff  of  the  hundred  of  Carhamp- 
ton  for  1387,  there  is  a  charge  against  the  widow: — 

"  In  holding  the  anniversary  of  the  Lord  de  Mohun  at 
Bruton  in  the  last  year,  not  already  claimed,  and  In  the 
present  year,  21J.  "^ 

In  John  de  Mohun  the  fifth,  the  senior  male  line 
of  the  family  came  to  an  end.  He  left  issue  three 
daughters,  all  of  whom  made  brilliant  matches  : — 

Elizabeth,  the  eldest,  born  at  Goring  in  1343.*  She 
married  William  of  Montacute,  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
one  of  the  original  Knights  of  the  Garter.  ^  She 
too  was  entitled  to  wear  the  robes  of  the  Order. " 
By  a  will  dated  in  November  141 4,  she  left  minute 
instructions  for  her  burial  at  Bisham  Abbey  oppos- 
ite to  the  tomb  of  her  husband,  who  had  died  in 
1397.^  She  died  in  the  January  following,  without 
issue.  ^ 

Philippa,  the  second,  doubtless  a  god-daughter  of  the 
Queen  of  Edward  the  Third.  She  married  firstly 
Sir  Waher  Fitzwalter,  who  died  in  1386,  secondly 
Sir  John  Golafre,  who  died  in   1396,  and  thirdly 

1  Feet  of  Fines,  Somerset,  48  Edvv.  «  Beltz's  Memorials  of  the  Order  of 
III.  (Green,  iii.  87.)  the    Garter,    pp.     248,    249,    255.     A 

2  Exchequer   Inquisitions,    series   i.  statement  there   (p.  39)  that  she  was 
file  41   no.  23.  "  received  into   the  sisterhood   of  the 

3  D.'c.M.  XXXI.  2.  convent  of  St.  Albans,"  in  1408,  has 
*  Add.  MS.  28649.  f-  265.  been  misunderstood  to  mean  that  she 
5  Planche     gives    tlie    date    of    the       took  the  veil. 

marriage   as   1361,  but  without  citing  ^  -UlcoXzs'iTeslamental  ctiista,^.i^i. 

any    authority.     Journal     of    British  Mnq.  post  mortem,  4  Hen.  V.  no.  55. 

Archceological  Association,  vol.ix.  p.  374. 

52  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

Edward,  Duke  of  York,  who  was  slain  at  Agin- 
court  in  141 5.  By  a  will  dated  at  Carisbrooke 
Castle  in  1430,  she  directed  that  she  should  be 
buried  in  the  conventual  church  of  Westminster, 
and  her  monument  is  still  to  be  seen  there  in  the 
Chapel  of  St.  Nicholas.  ^  She  died  in  1 43 1 ,  without 
issue. ' 
Maud,  the  youngest.  She  married  Sir  John  le  Strange 
of  Knockin,  who  died  in  i  397.  She  predeceased  her 
mother,  leaving  a  son  and  heir  Richard,  who  was 
sometimes  styled  '  Lord  of  Knockin  and  Mohun.  '  ^ 
According  to  the  peerages,  the  barony  of  Mohun 
descended  through  the  Stranges  and  the  Stanleys 
to  Ferdinand,  Earl  of  Derby,  who  died  in  1594. 
As  the  only  grandchild  of  the  last  of  the  Mohuns  of 
Dunster,  Sir  Richard  le  Strange  succeeded  eventu- 
ally to  the  manors  of  Whichford,  Long  Compton, 
Bradworthy,  Greywell  and  Cutcombe,  and  perhaps 
to  some  other  relics  of  their  ancient  inheritance. 

It  was  not  until  more  than  a  year  after  the  death 
of  Sir  John  de  Mohun  that  his  relict  completed 
her  bargain  with  Lady  Luttrell.  On  the  1 8th  of 
November  1376,  a  fine  was  levied  whereby  the  three 
trustees  settled  the  castle  of  Dunster,  the  manors  of 
Kilton,  Minehead  and  Carhampton,  and  the  hundred 
of  Carhampton  on  Joan  de  Mohun  for  her  life,  with 
remainder  to  Elizabeth  Luttrell  and  her  heirs.  * 
Two  days  later,  a  formal  receipt  for  the  purchase 
money  was  made  out,  which  may  be  given  in  the 
original  language  : — 

'  Nicholas'     Royal    Wills,     p.    224.  no.  45. 
There  are  engravings  of  the  monument  ^  Feet  of  Fines,  London  &  Middlesex 

in    Cough's    Sepulchral    Monuments,  22  Hen.  VI. 

vol.   ii,   and    Stothard's    Monumental  ^  Feet  of  Fines,  Somerset,  50  Edw. 

Effigies,  p.  88.  III.  (Green.  89.) 

*  Inq.    post  mortem,    10   Hen.    VI. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  53 

"  Sachent  touz  gentz  que  cestes  lettres  verrount  ou  orrount 
moy  Johane  que  fu  la  femme  Johan  de  Mohun  de  DonsterrCy 
chivaler,  avoir  receuz  de  Elizabeth  que  fu  la  femme  Andrew 
Lutrelly  chivaler^  cynkz  milk  marcz  de  bonne  monoie  en  plein 
paiement  pour  le  chastellde  Donsterre  etles  manoirs  de  Mynheved^ 
Culveton  et  Karampton^  ove  le  hundred  de  Karampton  ove  toutes 
lour  appurtenanlz.  De  queux  cynkz  milk  marcz  je  me  tiegne 
bien  et  loialment  estre  paiez  et  la  dite  Elizabeth  quitesparycestes. 
En  tesmoignance  de  quele  chose  a  ycestes  jay  mys  mon  seal. 
Donne  a  Londres  le  vintisme  Jour  de  Novembre  Ian  du  regne  le 
Roy  Edward  tierz  puis  le  conquest  cynquantisme.  "  ^ 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  how  Lady  Luttrell 
contrived  to  raise  so  large  a  sum,  and  how  she  paid 
it  over,  although  it  is  not  necessary  to  believe  that 
the  whole  of  it  was  in  coin  of  the  realm.  So  too  it 
would  be  interesting  to  know  how  Lady  de  Mohun 
disposed  of  it.  A  guess  may,  however,  be  hazarded 
that  her  husband  had  left  considerable  debts.  It  may 
be  noted  by  the  way  that  on  the  only  occasion  since 
the  Norman  Conquest  on  which  Dunster  Castle  has 
passed  by  sale,  it  was  sold  by  one  widow  and  bought 
by  another.  In  one  respect.  Lady  de  Mohun  certain- 
ly got  the  best  of  the  bargain,  for  she  lived  nearly 
thirty  years  after  the  receipt  of  the  money  paid  for 
rights  in  reversion. 

From  1376  to  1404,  Dunster  Castle  seems  to 
have  been  practically  shut  up.  None  but  the  most 
necessary  repairs  were  made.  When  Lady  de  Mohun 
came  down  to  visit  her  property  in  1398,  she  took 
up  her  abode  at  Minehead,  to  which  place  the  reeve 
of  Dunster  sent  beef,  mutton,  and  a  vast  quantity  of 
beer.  ^  For  her  a  gloomy  fortress  in  the  west  of 
England  can  have  had  no  attraction.    She  greatly  prefer- 

1  D.C.M.   I.  32.      According  to    Sir       Roll,  no.  581.  m.  uo-*. 
Hugh    Luttrell   the   purchase    money  *  D.C.M.  ix.  4. 

was  fixed  at  5500  marks.     De  Banco 

54  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

red  the  gay  atmosphere  of  the  Court,  and,  as  a  change, 
the  ecclesiastical  surroundings  of  Canterbury.  Thus 
we  hear  of  her  staying  at  London,  Easthampstead, 
and  Sheen.  Her  agents  in  Somerset  remitted  money 
to  her  from  time  to  time,  and  occasionally  provisions, 
such  as  porpoises,  wine  and  chestnuts.  ^ 

When  at  Court,  Lady  de  Mohun  often  exercised 
her  influence  in  favour  of  condemned  criminals.  * 
All  the  while,  however,  she  was  mindful  of  her  own 
interests.  Not  content  with  rents  of  all  her  late 
husband's  estates,  and  the  large  sum  that  she  had 
received  from  Lady  Luttrell,  she  managed  to  extract 
valuable  concessions  from  her  royal  patrons.  In 
1384,  Richard  the  Second,  in  consideration  of  her 
good  service  to  him  and  the  Queen,  granted  to  her 
an  annuity  of  1 00/.  for  life  out  of  the  issues  of  the 
stannary  of  Devon  and  Cornwall.  ^  This  she  after- 
wards exchanged  for  the  manor  and  hundred  of 
Macclesfield,  which  were  of  somewhat  greater  value.  * 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  some  of  the  letters 
patent  she  is  styled  the  King's  '  cousin,  '  although 
she  was  not  really  related  to  him  in  blood.  Queen 
Anne  gave  her  a  lease  of  the  important  castle  and 
manor  of  Leeds,  in  Kent,  with  its  mill,  fishery  and 
park.  Inasmuch,  however,  as  the  Queen  failed  to 
do  the  promised  repairs.  Lady  de  Mohun  applied  to 
the  King  to  be  excused  from  the  payment  of  rent  for 
the  rest  of  her  life.  ^ 

Lady  de  Mohun  had  no  desire  to  be  buried  beside 
her  husband  in  the  obscure  priory  of  Bruton,  and, 

>  D.C.M.  IX.  3,  4.  *  Ibid.    i^Ss-ijSg,  pp.   35,  48,    163, 

*  CakiidarofPalfntRolh,i38i-i3Ss,  188,    372  ;  Thirty-fourth  Report  of  the 

pp.  306,  363  ;  i^S^-i^Sg,  p.  328  ;  1388-  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Records,  App.  ii. 

1392^  P-  258.  p.  349. 

^  Calendarof  Patent  Rolls,  1381-1385,  *  Ancient  Petitions,  11003. 

p.  457- 


I )L- CHESS    OF    YORK. 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  55 

some  years  before  her  death,  she  erected  for  herself 
an  elaborate  monument  near  the  altar  of  St.  Mary  in 
the  crypt,  or  undercroft,  of  the  cathedral  church 
of  Canterbury.  There  her  effigy  is  still  to  be  seen. 
The  head  rests  upon  two  tasselled  cushions  supported 
by  angels.  The  crown  is  encircled  with  a  richly 
jewelled  garland,  and  a  jewelled  frontlet  stretches 
across  the  top  of  the  forehead.  A  great  mass  of  hair 
enclosed  in  a  fret,  or  jewelled  net,  descends  on  both 
sides  of  the  face  to  the  level  of  the  chin.  As  Lady 
de  Mohun  had  long  since  cast  off  all  signs  of 
widowhood,  she  does  not  wear  a  barbe  and  her  neck 
is  quite  bare.  A  row  of  ten  very  large  buttons 
adorns  the  close-fitting  tunic  of  brocade  known  as  a 
cote  hardie^  without  sleeves  and  cut  away  for  a  con- 
siderable space  beneath  the  armholes,  thus  revealing 
part  of  a  jewelled  girdle.  Beneath  is  a  kirtle  reaching 
down  to  the  feet,  and  there  are  remains  of  an  outer 
mantle  hanging  from  the  shoulders.  The  lion  at 
her  feet  is  mutilated,  and  her  hands  have  been 
broken  off  since  1726.  The  dateless  inscription, 
repeated  on  either  side,  shows  the  pride  which,  even 
as  an  aged  widow,  she  took  in  her  maiden  name  : — 

(por  ^\t\x  |)rte^  yor  fdrtne  3o?ane  be  (gorwaBC^e 
fte  feut  bame  be  (Uto^um 

The  effigy  lies  under  a  groined  canopy  supported  by 
six  lofty  buttresses  connected  by  cusped  and  crocketed 
arches.  ^  There  are  no  armorial  bearings  on  the  monu- 
ment itself,  but  the  shields  of  the  families  of  Mohun, 
Burghersh,  Montacute,  Strange  and  Despencer  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  cloisters  of  the  great  church  above.  ^ 

*  Dart's  History  of  Canterbury  Calhe-      vol.  xiii.  pp.  533-535- 
tiral,   p.    87  ;   Stothard's  Monumental  *  Willement's   Heraldic    Notices    of 

Effigies,  p.  67  ;  Archaeologia  Cauiiana.      Canterbury  Cathedral,  p.  133. 

56  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  i. 

In  1395,  Lady  de  Mohun  entered  into  a  formal 
agreement  with  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  that  her  body  should  be  buried 
in  the  tomb  which  she  had  prepared,  and  never 
removed  therefrom.  One  of  the  monks  was  to  say 
mass  daily  for  nine  specified  persons  at  the  altar  of 
St.  Mary,  or,  on  certain  great  festivals,  at  the  altar  of 
St.  John  Baptist  near  the  famous  tomb  of  St.  Thomas. 
For  this  service  he  was  to  receive  2/.  a  year,  and  the 
clerk  in  charge  of  the  chapel  was  to  receive  5J.  a 
year  for  keeping  the  tomb  clean  and  in  good  con- 
dition. On  the  eve  of  the  anniversary  of  her  death, 
placebo  and  dirige  were  to  be  sung.  On  the  anni- 
versary, a  solemn  mass  of  requiem  was  to  be  said,  the 
celebrant  receiving  6^".  8^.  and  the  other  two  clergy 
3^.  4^/.  apiece.  A  hundred  poor  people  were  also  to 
receive  id.  apiece.  In  consideration  of  the  benefits 
promised.  Lady  de  Mohun  gave  to  the  monks 
350  marks,  a  set  of  three  vestments  of  green  "sendal " 
and  two  choir-copes  of  cloth  of  gold  valued  at  20/., 
a  missal  worth  5/.  and  a  chalice  worth  2/.  besides  a 
bed  worth  20/.  of  white  and  red  "  camaka,  "  with 
four  cushions  of  the  same,  a  covering  lined  with 
blue  silk  and  curtains  of  "  sendal  *'  of  Genoa  and 
Tripoli.  ^ 

Of  the  nine  persons  for  whom  masses  were  to  be 
said,  four  were  living  in  1395  : — Richard,  King  of 
England,  Lady  Joan  de  Mohun,  the  foundress  of  the 
Chantry,  '  Elizabeth '  presumably  the  Countess  of 
Salisbury,  her  daughter,  and  Elizabeth  le  Despencer, 
her  niece.  The  other  five  persons  already  deceased 
were — '  John  '  doubtless  her  husband,  '  Edward  '  per- 
haps the  late  King,  another  '  Edward '  either  the  Black 

'  Legg  and  St.  John  Hope's  Inventories  ofCliristchurch,  Canterbury,  p.  99 

CH.  I.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  57 

Prince  or  the  husband  of  her  niece,  and  Philippa 
and  Anne,  Queens  of  England.  The  omission  from 
the  list  of  her  deceased  daughter  Maud,  her  living 
daughter  Philippa,  and  her  living  grandson  Richard 
le  Strange,  is  significant.  ^ 

When  Lady  de  Mohun  felt  her  end  approaching, 
she  sent  for  the  Prior  of  Christ  Church  and  delivered 
to  him  a  closed  box,  to  be  entrusted  to  the  two 
monks  who  acted  as  guardians  of  the  shrine  (feretri) 
of  St.  Thomas.  The  box  contained  the  royal  letters 
patent  of  1369,  and  various  important  documents 
connected  with  the  sale  of  Dunster,  Minehead,  Kilton 
and  Carhampton.  Conscious  that  there  was  likely  to 
be  trouble  about  her  action  in  this  matter,  she  bound 
the  Prior  to  deliver  the  box  to  her  heirs  or  to  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  if  either  they  or  he  got  possession  of 
the  property  without  opposition,  or  to  the  successful 
party  if  there  should  be  a  suit  at  law.  ^ 

On  the  same  day,  Lady  de  Mohun  made  her  will, 
at  a  house  in  the  precincts  of  Canterbury  known  as 
Master  Omer's.  ^  To  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
whom  she  nominated  an  executor,  she  bequeathed  a 
psalter  covered  with  white,  and  to  her  son-in-law  the 
Duke  of  York  a  fair  copy  of  the  Legenda  Sanctorum 
and  another  illuminated  book.  To  his  wife  she  left 
her  blessing,  suggestive  of  a  previous  estrangement, 
and  her  best  ruby.  Her  other  daughter  the  Countess 
of  Salisbury,  was  to  have  her  favourite  cross  and  a 
second  copy  of  the  Legenda  Sanctorum^  and  Lady  le 
Despencer  the  elder  was  to  have  a  bed  of  green  silk. 
The  only  other  relation  mentioned  was  William 
Burghersh.  To  the  Prior  of  Christ  Church  she 
bequeated  some  old  hangings  embroidered  with  lions 

•  Arundel  MS.  Lxviii.  ft".  59,  60.  120. 

*  De  Banco  Roll,  no.  581,  mm.  119,  *  Aichceologia  Cantiaiia,  vii.   p.  96. 

58  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  i. 

and  some  "  ystayned  "  hangings.  One  of  her  mantles 
was  to  be  reserved  for  the  wife  of  Sir  Thomas 
Hawkwood.  Friar  John,  her  own  confessor,  was  to 
receive  i  o  marks,  and  another  Franciscan  friar  named 
Henry,  40s.  There  were  further  legacies  to  her  six 
maidservants,  to  Philip  Caxton  her  clerk,  to  John 
Sumpterman  and  John  Gardener  and  other  men  who 
were  presumably  in  her  service.  Provision  was  also 
made  for  the  maintenance  of  three  young  scholars 
then  at  Canterbury.  Every  poor  person  coming  to 
her  funeral  was  to  receive  \d.  and  on  that  occasion 
twelve  poor  men  clothed  in  black  at  her  expense 
were  to  hold  torches,  in  addition  to  the  four  great 
candles  weighing  20  lb.  that  were  to  burn  during 
the  ceremony.  AH  goods  not  otherwise  disposed  of 
were  bequeathed  to  the  church  of  Canterbury.  ^ 

Two  days  after  making  the  will  to  the  foregoing 
effect.  Lady  de  Mohun  died,  on  the  4th  of  Octo- 
ber 1404.  ^ 

'  Somerset  Medieval    Wills,   vol.   ii.  f.  2i8. 

pp.  302,  303,  from  Arundel's  Register,  '  Inq.  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  IV.  ;i2- 

Old  tile  in  Dunster  Church 
with  the  arms  of  mohun. 


The    early    Luttrells 
I191  — 1403. 

Luttrell,  originally  spelt  Luterel,  or  Loterel,  was 
probably  a  diminutive  of  Loutre^  the  French  word 
for  an  otter.  Applied  in  the  first  instance  as  a  per- 
sonal nickname,  it  became  a  hereditary  surname.  The 
fact  that  a  certain  Osbert  Lotrel  had  the  farm  of 
Arques  in  Normandy  in  1 180  and  1 198  rather  tends 
to  confirm  the  idea  that  the  family  was  of  foreign 
origin.   ^ 

His  contemporary,  Geoffrey  Luttrell,  acquired  a 
small  property  at  Gamston  and  Bridgeford  in  Notting- 
hamshire in  the  later  part  of  the  twelfth  century. 
During  the  absence  of  Richard  the  First  in  Palestine, 
this  Geoffrey  Luttrell  took  part  in  the  unsuccessful 
rebellion  of  John,  Count  of  Mortain,  and  was  conse- 
quently deprived  of  his  lands.  ^  He  was,  however,  re- 
instated after  the  accession  of  the  Count  to  the  throne 
of  England,  ^  and  from  1 204  to  i  2 1  5  he  seems  to  have 
been  continuously  employed  in  public  business  in  one 
capacity  or  another.    Many  royal  charters  of  the  period 

'  Rotuli  Scaccarii  Nonnannice  (ed.  The  name  of  Luttrell  does  not  occur 

Stapleton),  vol.  i.  p.  65;  vol.  ii.  p.  422.  in  Domesday  Book,     It  is  almost  need- 

A  certain  John  Loutrel  of  Dieppe  is  less  to  remark   that  the  Roll  of  Battle 

mentioned  as  a  subject  of  the  French  Abbey,  in  which  it  is  to  be  found,  has 

King  in  1419.  Three  years  later,  Robert  no  historical  authority. 

Loterel  was  presented  to  a  church  near  -  Pipe  Rolls  6  and  7  Ric.  I.  Notts. 

Bayeux.     Norman  Rolls,  6  Hen.V.  part  '  Roinli  Chaitarum,  p.  91. 
2,  mm.  40,   I  ;  9  Hen.  V.  m.  5. 

6o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

were  witnessed  by  him  as  a  person  in  frequent  per- 
sonal attendance  upon  the  King/  For  a  time,  he  had 
authority  to  issue  writs  in  the  King's  name  with  re- 
gard to  wine.  ^  He  afterwards  became  paymaster  of 
the  King's  ships. '  In  1 204  and  again  in  i  2 1 5,  he  was 
in  Ireland  with  large  administrative  powers.*  In 
1 206,  he  was  in  Poitou  and  Gascony  as  one  of  the 
King's  treasurers.  ^ 

In  I  2 15,  John  appointed  Sir  Geoffrey  Luttrell  to 
be  his  sole  agent  in  negotiations  with  regard  to  the 
dower  of  Queen  Berengaria,  commissioning  him  at  the 
same  time  to  join  with  the  Archbishops  of  Bordeaux 
and  Dublin  in  denouncing  to  the  Pope  the  rebellious 
barons  who  had  recently  extorted  the  Great  Charter  of 
English  Liberties.  In  one  of  the  documents  connected 
with  this  business,  he  is  styled  '  nobilis  vir'  ^  His 
mission  was  so  far  successful  that  Innocent  the  Third 
annulled  the  Charter,  suspended  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, and  excommunicated  the  barons,  but  it  is  un- 
certain whether  Sir  Geoffrey  Luttrell  was  one  of  those 
who  conveyed  the  papal  bull  from  Rome  to  England. 
The  exact  date  of  his  death,  which  must  have  taken 
place  in  1 2 1 6,  or  at  the  latest  in  1 2 1 7,  is  not  recorded. 

As  a  reward  for  personal  services,  Sir  Geoffrey 
Luttrell  received  from  King  John  grants  for  life  of  the 
houses  of  the  Jew,  Isaac  of  York,  at  Oxford  and  North- 
ampton, and  those  of  another  Jew  named  Bonnechose 
at  the  former  place.  ^    The  King  also  granted  to  him 

'  Rotuli  Chiirtarnm  passim.  *  Rotnli  Lift.  Patentinm,  vol.  i.  pp. 

-  Rotuli  Litt.  Claiisariim,  vol.  i.  pp.  59,  66  ;   Rotuli  Litt.  Clansarum,  vol.  i. 

57,  100,  104-108,  110.  pp.  61,  63. 

^  Rotuli  de  Liberate,    &c.    pp.    176,  *  Rotuli  Chartarum,  p.  219  ;  Rotuli 

I79i  1^5.  188,  194,  202,  206,  208,  213,  Litt.  Patentium,  vol.  i.  pp.  181,  182. 

227-229.  '  Rotuli  Litt.  Clausarum,  vol.  i.  pp. 

*  Rotuli  Chartarum,  p.  133  ;  Rotuli  227,   366,   386,   399,   407  ;  Close  Rolls, 

Litt.  Patentium,  vol.  i.  pp.  39,  4r,  48,  122^-1231,  pp.  276,  282  ;  Calendar  of 

153)  154  ;  Rotuli  Litt.  Clausarum,  vol.  Charter  Rolls,  vol.  i.  p.  109. 
i.  pp.  14,  137,  146,  188,  191,  224,  303. 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  6i 

some  land  at  Croxton,  in  Leicestershire.  ^  In  consider- 
ation, moreover,  of  twenty  ounces  of  gold,  he  ob- 
tained property  at  Cratelach  in  Thomond.' 

The  real  foundation  of  the  subsequent  prosperity  of 
the  Luttrell  family  was  laid  by  the  marriage  of  Sir 
Geoffrey  to  a  daughter  and  coheiress  of  William 
Paynell,  whose  singular  Christian  name  Frethesant  is 
apparently  a  continental  form  of  the  English  name 
Frideswyde.  Although  this  lady's  father  was  only  a 
younger  scion  of  the  great  family  of  Paynell,  she  and 
her  sister,  Isabel  Bastard,  inherited  from  him  no  less 
than  fifteen  knights'  fees,  for  the  most  part  situated 
in  Yorkshire.  ' 

In  1 2 1 7,  Henry  of  Newmarch  paid  40  marks  to 
the  King  for  licence  to  marry  Frethesant  the  relict  of 
Sir  Geoffrey  Luttrell  if  she  would  consent,  and  the 
marriage  duly  took  place.  * 

Andrew  Luttrell,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  Geoffrey, 
being  under  age  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  was 
for  some  months  a  ward  of  the  Crown.  By  arrange- 
ment, however,  with  Ralph  de  Rodes,  the  overlord  of 
his  lands  in  Nottinghamshire,  the  King,  in  121 8, 
committed  the  custody  of  his  person  and  his  property 
to  PhiHp  Mark,  a  man  of  some  importance  in  the 
midland  counties,  who  had  been  one  of  the  councillors 
of  King  John.  It  was  distinctly  stipulated  at  the  time 
that  he  should  marry  a  daughter  of  his  guardian. ""  By 
the  successive  deaths  of  his  mother's  niece,  the  only 

1  Rofuli  Litt.  Clausarum,  vol.  i.  pp.  John,  York. 

14,  61  ;  Dugdale's  Monasticon,  vol.  vii.  ■•  Excerpta  e  Rotulis  Finiurn,  vol.  i. 

p.  877.  p.  9  ;   Testa  dc  Nevill,   p.  375,   where 

'''  Rotitli   Litt.  Pateiitium,  vol.   i.    p.  she   is  erroneously   described  as  the 

151  ;  Rottili  dc  Oblatis,  &c.  p.  556.  relict  of  William  Paynell. 

*  Pedes  Fiiiium  Ebor.   (Surtees  So-  ^  Roiuli  Litt.  Clausarum,  vol.  i.  pp. 

ciety)  pp.  87,  88  ;  Rotuli  dc  Oblatis,  &c.  353,  356,  393,  522  ;  Excerpta  e  Rotulis 

p.   205  ;   Red   Book  of  the  Exchequer,  Finiurn,  vol.  i.  p.  83. 
PP-   77,  430,  490,  569 ;  Pipe  Roll,  13 

62  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

child  of  Isabel  Bastard,  and  his  own  mother  Frethesant, 
Andrew  Luttrell  became  heir  to  the  whole  barony  of 
his  grandfather,  WiUiam  Paynell.  On  attaining  his 
majority,  in  1 229,  and  doing  the  necessary  homage,  he 
obtained  possession  of  his  hereditary  estates  in  York- 
shire, Northamptonshire,  and  Leicestershire.  ^  In  the 
following  year,  he  laid  claim  to  a  considerable  part  of 
the  landed  property  of  his  third  cousin,  Maurice  of 
Gaunt,  the  heir  of  the  elder  branch  of  the  Paynell 

It  has  been  remarked  already  that  Dunster  Castle 
has  belonged  to  only  two  families,  the  Mohuns  and 
the  Luttrells,  since  the  Norman  Conquest.  ^  The 
history  of  the  manor  of  East  Quantockshead,  nine 
miles  to  the  east  of  Dunster,  affords  a  yet  more 
remarkable  instance  of  the  continuity  of  land  tenure 
in  England,  its  present  owner,  Mr.  G.  F.  Luttrell, 
being,  through  only  two  females,  the  lineal  descendant 
of  Ralph  Paynell,  who  held  it  in  the  reign  of  William 
the  Conqueror.  There  is  no  occasion  to  attempt  in 
this  place  to  trace  the  very  complicated  genealogy  of 
the  great  house  of  Paynell,  whose  name  still  survives 
at  Hooton  Pagnell,  Boothby  Pagnell  and  Newport 
Pagnell.  A  simple  table  will  suffice  to  show  the  rela- 
tionship between  Maurice  of  Gaunt  and  Andrew 

Maurice  of  Gaunt  died  in  the  expedition  which 
Henry  the  Third  led  into  Brittany  in  the  summer  of 
1230.  ^  Andrew  Luttrell  thereupon  went  to  the 
King  in  Poitou  and  put  forward  a  claim  to  the  manors 

'  Close  Rolls,  1227-1231,  p.  275.  p.  201.     For  a   very  learned,  though 

-  That    is,    without    reckoning   the  confused,  account  of  the  Paynells  and 

temporary   intrusion  of  the  Herberts,  their  successors,  see  the  York  volume 

during  the  reigns  of  Edward  IV,  Ed-  of  Proceedings     of  the    Archctological 

ward  V,  and  Richard  ni.  Institute.     See    also     Bracton's  Notc- 

'  E.vcerpta  e  Rotnlis  Finiitm.  vol.  i.  book,  vol.  ii.  p.  86. 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  63 



Ralph   Paynell,yMaud,  dau.  and  co-heir  of 
fl.   1086,  1 100.  I  Richard  de  Surdeval 

William  =  Avice  de  Rumilly,  dau.  of      Jordan   Paynell= Gertrude, 

fl.  1131. 

William      le     Meschine,     fl.  1131.  dau,  of 

Earl  of  Cambridge,  relict  Robert 

of  William  de  Courcy.  Fossard. 

.  Ellis  Paynell, 

Prior  of  Holy  Trinity, 

Richard   =  Alice  =Robert  of  York   fl.  114-2. 

de  Courcy,      dead  in 
fl.  1138.  1182 

Gaunt,  d. 

Alexander = Agnes,  dau.  of 
Paynell.      |  Robert     Fossard, 

Robert  son  of = Avice, 

Robert    son 

of  Harding, 
d.    1195. 

married  | 

inii82.     William    Paynell,  = dau.  of  Agnes 

d.  circa  1203.  I      de  Muntchenesy 

Geoffrey   Luttrell,=|=  Frethesant= Henry  of       William =Isabel. 
fl.  1191,  1216.         I    fl.  1217.       Newmarch,    Bastard. 
I  fl.  121 7. 

Andrew  \  \ 

Luttrell,  Jordan  Paynell. = Agnes = Robert  de  Buscy. 

d.  1265.  I 


Adam    Paynell.  Richard  Paynell. 

Maud,  dau.  =  Maurice  of = Margaret,  relict      Henry  of  Gaunt,  Master 
of  Henry         Gaunt,  of  Ralph  de  of   Billeswick    hospital, 

d'Oyly.  d.  1230.         Somery.  fl.  1268. 

64  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  ii. 

of  (East)  Quantockshead,  Stockland,  Huish,  Pawlet 
and  Weare  in  the  county  of  Somerset,  and  Irnham 
in  the  county  of  Lincoln,  as  his  lawful  inheritance. 
The  question  of  descent  being  obviously  a  difficulty, 
he  offered  to  pay  a  hundred  marks  for  an  enquiry, 
provided  that  he  should  be  absolved  from  payment 
in  the  event  of  his  claim  being  disallowed.  Upon 
these  conditions,  the  King  ordered  his  justices  in 
England  to  institute  the  enquiry  requested.  ^  So 
uncertain,  however,  did  the  result  appear  that  Walter 
de  Evermue  obtained  from  the  King  a  formal  grant 
for  life  of  the  manors  of  Quantockshead  and  Huish, 
subject  only  to  the  possible  rights  of  the  claimant. 

A  few  years  later,  the  grant  was  revoked,  these  two 
manors  being  assigned,  in  lieu  of  dower,  to  Margaret 
de  Somery,  the  relict  of  Maurice  of  Gaunt.  ^ 

Andrew  Luttrell  entirely  failed  to  show  any  right 
to  the  manors  of  Pawlet  and  Weare,  and  they  accord- 
ingly passed  to  Robert  de  Gurney,  son  of  the  half- 
sister  of  the  last  owner.  ^  On  the  other  hand,  in 
April  123  I,  he  obtained  an  order  for  the  delivery  of 
the  manor  of  Irnham,  upon  giving  security  for  the 
payment  of  a  hundred  marks,  which  was  the  amount 
of  relief  due  on  succession  to  a  great  barony.  *  He 
had  to  wait  thirteen  months  longer  for  an  admission 
of  his  right  to  the  manors  of  Stockland,  Quantocks- 
head and  Huish.  ^  Some  years  later,  a  certain  Mau- 
rice of  Leigh  and  Agnes  his  wife,  who  seems  to  have 
been  related  to  the  Gaunts,  set  up  a  claim  to  a  great 
part  of  the  Paynell  inheritance,  and  Andrew  Luttrell 
had   to  cede  to   them   Huish  and   East  Bagborough, 

'  Close  Rolls,  1227-1231,  p.  437.  Finitim,  vol.  i.,  pp.  205,  207. 

*  Ibid.  p.  499.  ■•  Ibid.  p.  212. 

*  Ibid.   p.  505  ;  Exccrpta   e   Rotulis  *  Close  Rolls,  1231-1234,  p.  59. 

CH.  II.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  65 

retaining  only  the  overlordship  with  certain  services 
and  reversionary  rights.  ^  Altogether,  his  barony 
comprised  fifteen  knights'  fees  of  his  grandfather 
William  Paynell  of  Hooton,  and  twelve  and  a  half  fees 
of  his  cousin  Maurice  of  Gaunt.  ^ 

In  1 242,  Andrew  Luttrell  was  summoned  to  per- 
form military  service  against  the  Scots.  ^  He  was 
appointed  Sheriff  of  Lincolnshire  in  1251,  but  in  the 
following  year  he  paid  three  marks  of  gold  for  exemp- 
tion during  the  remainder  of  his  life  from  serving  as 
justice,  sheriff,  bailiff,  or  juror.  *  He  also  obtained 
from  the  King  a  grant  of  free  warren  on  his  paternal 
estates  at  Gamston  and  Bridgeford  in  Nottingham- 
shire, and  a  grant,  or  rather  confirmation,  of  a  weekly 
market  and  a  yearly  fair  at  Irnham,  which  was  prob- 
ably his  ordinary  residence.  ^  Hooton  he  made  over 
to  his  eldest  son  Geoffrey,  and  East  Quantockshead 
to  his  second  son  Alexander,  presumably  on  the  oc- 
casions of  their  respective  marriages.  ^  At  different 
times  in  the  course  of  his  life,  he  granted  or  con- 
firmed lands  and  rights  to  the  Abbey  of  Drax,  founded 
by  William  Paynell,  to  the  Priory  of  Nostell,  to  the 
Abbey  of  Roche,  and  to  the  Hospital  of  St.  Mark  at 
Billeswick  near  Bristol,  founded  by  Maurice  of  Gaunt.  ^ 
Sir  Andrew  Luttrell  died  in  1265,^  leaving  a  widow 
Pernel,  who  was  living  in  1267,  ^  three  sons  and  a 
daughter  ;  — 
Geoffrey,  ancestor  of  the  Luttrells  of  Irnham. 

•  Feet    of    Fines,  Divers   Counties,  pp.  295,  392. 

24  Henry  n I,  (Green,  vol.  i.  p.  368.) ;  ®  Roles  Gascons,  Vol.  i.  p.  498.     See 

Somersetshire  Picas    (S.  R.  S.),  p.   173.  below. 

'  Pipe  Roll  39  Hen.  HI.  Yorkshire.  '  Burton's   Monasticon  Eboracense  ; 

'  Roles  Gascons  (ed.    Michel),  vol.  i.  Calendar  of  Charter  Rolls,  vol.  i.  pp. 

p.  26.  147,  170;  vol.  iii.  p.  172. 

*  List  of  Sheriffs,    p.  78;  Calendar  ^  Calendar  of  Inquisitions,  \o\. '\.  pp. 
of  Patent  Rolls,  1247-1258,  p.  133.  192,  195. 

■''  Calendar  of  Charter  Rolls,  vol.  i.  »  Giffard's  Register. 

66  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

Alexander,  ancestor  of  the  Luttrells  of  East  Quan- 
tockshead,  Chilton,  and  Dunster. 

Robert,  a  clerk  and  a  graduate.  He  was,  in  1262, 
presented  by  his  father  to  the  rectory  of  Irnham/ 
He  founded  three  chantries,  at  Irnham,  Stamford 
and  Sempringham  respectively,  about  the  year 
1303.  ^  He  died  in  131  5,  being  at  that  time  a 
Canon  of  Salisbury.  ^ 

Annora  the  wife  of  Sir  Hugh  Boby.  ^ 

Alexander  Luttrell,  the  second  son,  received 
from  his  father  Andrew,  a  grant  of  the  manor  of 
East  Quantockshead  and  the  advowson  of  the  church 
there,  to  be  held  by  him  and  the  heirs  of  his  body 
for  ever  at  a  yearly  rent  of  a  pair  of  gilt  spurs  or 
6c/.  at  Whitsuntide.  ^  After  the  death  of  Sir  Andrew 
Luttrell,  this  grant  was  confirmed  by  his  son  and  heir 
Geoffrey,  ^  and,  after  the  death  of  Margery  the  relict 
of  Maurice  of  Gaunt,  her  son.  Sir  Roger  de  Somery, 
in  1269,  released  all  his  possible  rights  in  East  Quan- 
tockshead and  conveyed  it  to  Alexander  Luttrell  in 
fee.  ^  At  one  period  of  his  life,  Alexander  Luttrell 
held  some  land  at  Hickling  in  Nottinghamshire.  * 

In  1266,  Alexander  Luttrell  obtained  from  the 
King  the  custody  of  his  elder  brother,  Sir  Geoffrey, 
who  had  lost  the  use  of  his  reason.  ^  In  1 270,  he 
embarked  for  the  Holy  Land  in  the  retinue  of  the 
King's  eldest  son,  Edward,  leaving  the  management 
of  his  affairs  at  home  in  the  hands  of  a  neighbour, 

'  Grosseteste's  Register  ;     Heralds'  6i,  f.  74  ;  Picture  of  Our  Lady,  f.  97. 

College  MS.     Picture    of    Our  Lady,  *  D.C.M.  xxii.  i. 

f.  97.  «  Ibid. 

*  Dugdale's    Monasticon,     vol.     vii,  ^  Ibid.;  Somerset  Fines  (ed.  Green), 
p.  948.  vol.  i.  p.  226. 

'  Calendar    of  Patent    Rolls,    1313-  ®  Heralds'   College  MS.  Vincent  7, 

/5J7,  p.  280 ;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  ff.  53,  88. 

131S-132J.  p.  102.  ^  Patent  Rolls  50  Hen.  III.  m.   15  ; 

*  Heralds'     College     MS.    Vincent  52  Hen.  HI.  m.  3. 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER,  67 

Sir  Warin  de  Raleigh,  whom  he  appointed  his  at- 
torney for  four  years.  ^  It  is  very  doubtful  whether 
he  returned  from  the  Crusade.  The  fact  of  his  death 
was  known  in  Somerset  at  the  beginning  of  April 
1273,  when  the  king's  escheator  took  possession  of 
his  lands.  ^  Sir  Alexander  left  issue  two  sons  under  age 
and  a  daughter  : — 

Andrew,  his  heir. 

John,  who  occurs  in  1305  in  connexion  with  a  wife 

named  Rose.  ^ 
Annora,  under  age  in  1 279,  who  seems  to  have  married 

her  neighbour  Ralph  Fitzurse  of  Williton.  ^ 

Sir  Alexander  Luttrell's  wife  was  Margery  daugh- 
ter and  coheiress  of  Thomas  son  of  William,  from 
whom  she  received  some  land  at  Royton,  Thorp,  and 
Healey  in  Lancashire,  which  she  and  her  husband 
sold  to  Sir  John  Byron.  ^  In  July  1273,  she  received 
by  way  of  dower  a  stone-roofed  house  opposite  to 
the  hall  of  her  late  husband's  manor  of  East  Quan- 
tockshead,  another  small  house  similarly  roofed,  two 
cow-houses,  a  chamber  over  the  gate,  an  old  garden 
adjoining  the  houses,  two  ponds,  a  third  of  the  dove- 
cot, and  various  lands,  services  and  rents,  carefully 
specified  in  the  King's  writ,  and  representing  in  all  a 
third  of  the  estate.  **  The  heir  being  a  minor,  she 
also  obtained  a  lease  of  the  other  two  thirds  for  a 
year  and  half.  ^ 

Before  long,  however,  she  got  into  trouble  by  mar- 
rying Sir  Giles  of  Fishbourne,  a  knight  who  served 

'  Rymer's   Fcedera,   vol.   i.  p.  484;  m.9;  D.C.M.  xxxii.  100 ;  xxxiii.  i. 

Close  Roll  54  Hen.  III.  m.6(/.  *  Close   Roll  54  Hen.  HI.    m.    5^^; 

^  RoUili  Hundredonim,  vol. n.  p.  12S;  Lancashire  Fines  (ed.  Farrer),  vol.   i. 

Fine  Rolls,  i  Edw.  I.  m.  21.  p.  133  ;   Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1272- 

^  Heralds'  College  MS.    Picture  of  12^9,  p.  246. 

Our  Lady,  f.  7yd  ;  Vincent  92.  ^  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 2^2-1 27^, 

*  Assize  Rolls,  no.  1224,  m.  12  ;  no.  p.  24. 

1242,  m.  2d  ;  no.  758,  m.  21  ;  no.  1345,  '  Rotuli  Hundredorum,  vol.  ii.  p.  125. 

68  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

in  the  Welsh  wars  of  Edward  the  First.  A  widow 
whose  husband  held  land  directly  under  the  Crown 
was  not,  in  those  days,  a  free  agent.  She  could  not 
re-marry  without  royal  licence,  granted  sometimes  as 
a  favour  to  one  of  the  parties,  sometimes  in  consider- 
ation of  a  pecuniary  fine.  Margery  Luttrell  and  Sir 
Giles  of  Fishbourne  cannot  have  been  ignorant  of  the 
law  on  this  subject,  but  they  may  reasonably  have 
supposed  that  she  was  at  liberty  to  marry  whomsoever 
she  chose,  inasmuch  as  her  late  husband's  lands  were 
held  under  the  feudal  lord  of  Irnham.  Sir  Geoffrey 
Luttrell,  the  lunatic,  had,  however,  died  in  the  early 
part  of  1 270,  leaving  as  his  heir  a  son  under  age,  who 
became  a  ward  of  the  King.^  All  wardships  pertain- 
ing to  this  heir,  such  as  that  of  the  son  of  Sir  Alexander 
Luttrell,  had  passed  without  question  to  the  King,  and 
the  agents  of  the  Crown  alleged  that  Sir  Alexander 
had  held  direct  of  the  King  during  the  minority  of 
the  intermediate  lord.  On  this  ground  they  contended 
that  Margery  was  one  of  the  King's  widows,  and  Sir 
Ralph  of  Sandwich  seized  East  Quantockshead,  in  the 
name  of  his  royal  master,  on  account  of  her  offence. 
The  course  of  the  subsequent  proceedings  is  not  very 
clear.  Sir  Giles  and  Margery  were  certainly  married 
as  early  as  1276  ;  an  undated  petition  for  redress  was 
apparently  referred  to  the  Parliament  of  1278,  but  it 
was  not  until  1280  that  Sir  Giles  of  Fishbourne  receiv- 
ed formal  pardon  of  his  marriage.  ^ 

Andrew  Luttrell,  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  Alexander, 
was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death.     The  custody  of  the  manor  of  East  Quantocks- 

•  Patent  Roll  54  Hen.  HI.  m.  8.  p.  363  ;  Calauiar  of  Patent  Rolls,  12J2- 

*  Rotuli  Parliamentorum,  vol.  i.  p.       1281,  p.  384. 
5;  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls  I2y2-i2yg, 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  69 

head,  or  rather  of  his  two  thirds  of  it,  was,  in  the 
autumn  of  1 274,  committed  to  Robert  Tibetot  by  the 
King,  as  guardian  of  his  overlord,  the  son  of  Sir 
Geoffrey  Luttrell.  ^  Andrew  Luttrell  was,  in  1301, 
summoned  to  perform  miUtary  service  against  the 
Scots,  being  reckoned  as  belonging  to  Devonshire, 
where  he  held  land  at  Whitwell.  ^  He  was  knighted 
in  due  course,  and  he  was  living  in  1310.^  While 
still  in  his  teens,  and  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father, 
he  had,  in  1 270,  married  Elizabeth  daughter  of  Sir 
Warin  de  Raleigh.  *  He  appears  to  have  left  three 
sons  : — 

Alexander,  his  heir. 

John,  ancestor  of  the  Luttrells  of  Dunster. 

Andrew,  a  clerk.  When  instituted  to  the  rectory  of 
East  Quantockshead  at  a  very  early  age,  in  April 
1 329,  on  the  nomination  of  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell, 
he  took  an  oath  to  study  diligently  at  an  English 
University.  Formal  leave  of  absence  for  this  purpose 
was  granted  to  him  a  few  months  later.  His  dio- 
cesan allowed  him  to  be  ordained  acolyte  in  Decem- 
ber of  that  year  and  subdeacon  in  the  following 
February,  by  some  other  bishop,  and  his  leave  of 
absence  was  renewed  in  December  1330.  In  March 
1337,  he  received  permission  to  stay  in  the  service 
of  his  brother  John.  A  priest  was  appointed  to 
succeed  him  at  East  Quantockshead  in  1341.  ^ 

Alexander  Luttrell,  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  Andrew, 
was  born  about  1285.  *^  He  seems  to  have  succeeded 
his  father  in  or  before  i  326,  when  he  received  respite 

»  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 272-1 279,  *  D.C.M.   xxii.   i;  Assize  Roll    no. 

p.  103  ;  Assize  Roll  no.  1224,  m.  106.  1224,  mm.  106,  14. 

»  Palgrave's   Parliamentary    Writs,  ^  Drokcnsford's  Register  (S.R.S.),  p. 

vol.   i.    p.  351  ;  Feudal  Aids  vol.   i.  300  ; /?a//'//'s  iet^zs/er  (S.R.S.),  pp.6,  20, 

p.  329.  31.64,313,330,433- 

s  D.C.M.  XXII.  I  ;  XXXVII.  i.  6Inq.postmortem,,filei9(3). 

70  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

from  taking  knighthood.  ^  He  was  knighted  by 
Edward  the  Third  at  the  coronation  in  the  early  part 
of  February  1327.  ^  In  the  same  year,  a  friar  minor 
of  Bridgewater  was  Ucensed  by  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese  to  act  as  confessor  to  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell 
and  his  household.  ^  In  1342,  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell 
was  one  of  the  collectors  of  the  King's  wool  in  the 
county  of  Somerset.  *  The  manor  of  East  Quantocks- 
head  was,  in  1329,  settled  on  him  and  Mary  his 
wife.  ^  On  the  authority  of  some  manuscript  at 
Brymore,  Thomas  Palmer,  followed  as  usual  by 
CoUinson  and  by  Savage,  states  that  this  lady  was 
a  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Trivet  the  judge.  *  Inas- 
much, however,  as  Sir  Thomas  Trivet  died  in  1283, 
this  does  not  appear  probable.  ^  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  almost  certain  that  she  was  nearly  related  to  the 
Mandevilles.  In  1322,  the  manor  of  Hardington 
was  settled  on  Robert  de  Mandeville,  the  last  male 
of  the  family,  for  his  life,  with  remainder  to  Alexander 
Luttrell  and  Mary  his  wife  in  tail,  and  ultimate  re- 
mainder to  the  heirs  of  Robert  de  Mandeville.  ^  Fur- 
thermore, Thomas  Luttrell,  son  of  Alexander  and 
Mary,  was,  in  1349,  found  to  be  cousin  and  heir  of 
Peter  of  Falconbridge,  who  is  known  to  have  been  the 
nephew  of  Robert  de  Mandeville.  * 

There  is  at  Dunster  an  agreement  by  which  the 
Master  and  brethren  of  St  Mark's  House  at  Billes- 
wick  undertook,  in  1340,  to  pay  10/.   a  year  out  of 

'  Parliamentary  Writs,  vol.   ii.  part  *  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    1321- 

I.  pp.  743,  751.  -^527,  p.  178  ;  Inq.  ad  quod  damnum, 

'  Exchequer  Accounts,  bundle  383,  files  128,  no.  14  ;  152,  no.  19;  161,  no.  i. 

no.  4.  Mr.  J,  Batten,  who  did  not  know  of  the 

*  Drokensford's  Register,  p.  282.  entail,  suggests  that  Luttrell  was  "  on- 

*  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 341-1343,  ly  a  trustee,  "  because  he  alienated  the 
pp.  507,  519,  540.  manor  some   years   later.      Historical 

*  Feet  of  Fines,  (S.R.S.),  vol.  ii.  p.  138.  Notes  on  South  Somerset,  p.  134. 

^  MS.  at  St.  Audries.  *  Inq.   post   mortem,   23   Edw.   III. 

'  Foss's  Judges  of  England.  no.  56  ;  Batten,  p.  135. 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  71 

their  manor  of  Pawlet  to  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell  and 
Lucy  his  wife  for  their  lives,  if  Sir  Alexander  would 
quitclaim  to  them  all  his  right  in  the  manor  of 
Stockland  Gaunt,  concerning  which  a  suit  was  pend- 
ing in  the  King's  court.  The  record  of  the  suit, 
which  was  argued  at  some  length  on  a  technical 
point,  shows  that  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell  claimed  that 
his  grandfather  of  the  same  name  had  been  enfeoffed 
by  Sir  Geoffrey  Luttrell  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the 
First.  ^  In  the  same  year,  1340,  the  manor  of  East 
Quantockshead,  with  the  exception  of  eight  messuages, 
two  mills,  and  a  hundred  and  forty-eight  acres  of 
land,  was  settled  on  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell  and  his 
second  wife  Lucy,  with  remainder  to  his  heirs.  ^ 

In  I  343,  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell  arranged  a  marriage 
between  his  eldest  son,  Thomas,  and  Joan  daughter  of 
Sir  John  Palton,  and  undertook  to  give  them  i  o/.  a 
year  out  of  the  manor  of  East  Quantockshead.  He 
also  settled  on  them  the  reversion,  after  his  own 
death,  of  the  messuages,  mills  and  land  which  had  been 
excepted  from  the  settlement  on  his  second  wife. 
Sir  John  Palton  on  the  other  hand  undertook  to  pay 
him  200  marks,  and  to  maintain  the  young  couple 
during  the  life  of  Sir  Alexander. ' 

Five  years  later.  Sir  Alexander  Luttrell  conveyed 
the  whole  manor  to  Sir  John  Palton,  and  Thomas 
Luttrell  and  Joan  his  wife  in  tail,  for  a  yearly  rent  of 
40  marks  and  of  a  robe  worth  40J.  or  40J.  in  money. 
They  at  the  same  time  demised  to  him  for  his  life  a 
hall  with  certain  rooms,  a  close  called  La  Neweleygh- 
ton,  a  stable  in  the  outer  court  of  the  manor  house, 
the  hay  growing  at  La  Reghmede,  and  fuel,  *  house- 

•  Placita  de  Banco,  no.  239.  m.  94  ;  *  D.C.M.  xxii.   i  ;    Court  of  Wards 

Year  Book,  14  Edw.  Ill,  pp.  208-223.  and   Liveries,   Deeds   and  Evidences, 

»  Feet  0)  Fines,  (S.R.S.),  vol.  ii.  p.  204.       11.  2. 

72  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

bote '  and '  haybote. '  Lastly,  at  the  end  of  March  1354, 
he  conveyed  the  manor  and  the  advowson  of  East 
Quantockshead  to  Sir  John  Palton  and  Thomas 
Luttrell  at  the  reduced  rent  of  20/.  ^  In  the  follow- 
ing month,  he  was  killed  at  Watchet,  together  with 
Alexander  Montfort  and  John  Strechleye.  Several 
persons  were  found  guilty  of  murder,  and  others  were 
declared  to  have  been  present  and  assisting.  ^ 

Thomas  Luttrell,  son  and  successor  of  Sir 
Alexander,  was  born  about  the  year  1324.  ^  During 
the  lifetime  of  his  father,  in  1 346,  the  manor  of 
Milton  Falconbridge  and  other  lands  near  Martock, 
which  descended  to  him  through  his  mother,  were 
settled  on  him  and  Joan  his  wife  in  tail,  with  remain- 
der to  his  heirs.  *  This  property  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  alienated  ere  long.  In  1359,  Thomas 
Luttrell  acquired  full  possession  of  the  manor  and 
advowson  of  East  Quantockshead  by  means  of  a  re- 
lease from  his  father-in-law.  Sir  Thomas  Palton,  and 
in  the  following  year  he  caused  the  manor  to  be 
settled  on  himself  and  his  second  wife  Denise.  ^  This 
lady  is  stated  to  have  survived  him  and  to  have  mar- 
ried secondly  Thomas  Popham.  ^  She  was  apparently 
the  mother  of  the  last  Luttrell  of  East  Quantockshead 
in  the  direct  line. 

John  Luttrell,  only  son  of  Thomas,  succeeded  in 
the  later  part  of  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Third.  It 
is  stated  that,  in  1 366,  Sir  Andrew  Luttrell  of  Irnham 
granted  the  wardship  of  this  John  Luttrell  to  Sir 
Baldwin   Malet   of  Enmore,  ^  and  a  reference  to  the 

1  D.C.M.  XXII.   I  ;    Assize  Roll    no.  *  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  36. 
1448.  m.  52.                                                        ■'  D.C.M.  xxii.  I,  2. 

2  Assize  Roll  no.  772.  m.  23^.  "^  Palmer  MS.  at  St.  Audries. 

*  Inq.postmortem,  '  Ibid.     The  reference  is  apparent- 

CH.  II.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  73 

pedigree  of  the  Luttrells  of  Irnham  shows  that  Sir 
Andrew  was  at  that  date  the  overlord  of  East  Quan- 
tockshead.  The  manor  and  the  advowson  were,  in 
1398,  settled  on  John  Luttrell  and  Joan  his  wife,  ^ 
who  is  stated  to  have  been  daughter  and  coheiress  of 
Thomas  Kingston.  ^  At  the  coronation  of  Henry  the 
Fourth  in  1399,  John  Luttrell  was  created  one  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Bath.  ^  In  March  1 400,  the  King 
took  him  into  his  permanent  service,  and  gave  him 
an  annuity  of  40/.  out  of  the  issues  of  the  county  of 
Somerset.  *  A  year  later,  the  King  granted  him  a 
further  annuity  of  1 6/.  payable  at  the  Exchequer, 
and  confirmed  to  him  an  annuity  of  10/.,  granted  by 
John  of  Gaunt  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Duchy  of 
Lancaster.  ^  Sir  John  Luttrell  was  Sheriff  of  Somer- 
set and  Dorset  for  a  year  beginning  in  the  autumn  of 
1401.  ^  In  the  summer  of  1403,  he  took  up  arms 
on  the  King's  behalf  "  to  resist  the  malice  of  a 
certain  Sir  Henry  Percehaye,  knight,  "  that  is  to  say 
to  oppose  the  rising  of  the  Percies,  the  Mortimers 
and  Owen  Glendower.  By  a  will  expressing  this  in- 
tention and  dated  the  20th  of  May,  he  directed  that 
if  he  should  die  without  lawful  issue  before  returning 
to  his  mansion  at  East  Quantockshead,  the  manor  and 
the  advowson  of  the  church  there  and  his  lands  at 
Alfoxton  and  Watchet  should,  after  payment  of  his 
debts,  be  conveyed  by  his  feoffees  to  his  cousin  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  and  the  heirs  of  his  body,  or,  failing 

ly  to  an  original  MS.  at  Dunster,  but  '  D.C.M.  xxii.  4. 
Thomas  Palmer,  or  his  copyist,  must  *  Palmer     MS.      Here     again     the 
have  made  some  mistake.     There  is  no  reference  to  a  MS.  at  Dunster  is  in- 
such  deed  of  grant  at  Dunster  now,  correct. 

and  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  ^  Holinshed'sCAron/dt^.vol.  ii.  p.511. 

compilations  of  Prynne  and  Narcissus  *  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    isgg- 

Luttrell.     It  would  probably  have  re-  1401,  p.  238. 

mained  among  the  muniments  of  the  *  Ibid.  p.  549. 

Malet  family.  *  List  of  Sheriffs,  p.  123. 


74  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ii. 

them,  to  the  heirs  and  assigns  of  John  Venables.  ^ 
According  to  Palmer,  he  made  a  supplementary  will 
on  the  4th  of  June,  which  was  proved  on  the  4th  of 
August  in  the  same  year.  By  this,  it  is  stated,  he  di- 
rected that  some  land  at  Williton  was  to  be  conveyed  to 
Thomas  Popham  for  life,  with  remainder  to  his  own 
maternal  brother,  Richard  Popham,  and  the  heirs  of  his 
body,  and,  in  default  of  such,  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit 
of  his  soul,  the  souls  of  his  ancestors,  and  the  soul  of 
John  Fitzurse.  The  manor  of  Iwood  was  to  be  sold 
for  the  payment  of  his  debts.  There  was  a  legacy  of 
20/.  to  Dame  Cecily  Berkeley,  which,  if  renounced, 
was  to  be  laid  out  for  her  soul's  health.  Lastly,  he  is 
stated  to  have  made  provision  for  "  four  of  his  servant 
maids  and  certain  children  they  were  mothers  of.  " 

Elsewhere,  Palmer  states  that  in  the  14th  year  of 
Edward  IV  (1474),  Anne  Watts,  widow,  gave  land  at 
Wellow  and  money  to  the  Priory  of  Barlinch,  in  order 
that  divine  service  might  be  performed  for  the  souls  of 
her  brother  Richard  Luttrell,  their  mother  Mary,  her 
own  two  husbands,  Robert  Bulsham  and  Richard 
Watts,  and  her  daughter  by  Bulsham,  Agnes  the 
wife  of  Peter  Bampfield  of  Hardington.  ^  Richard 
Luttrell  was  constable  of  Dunster  Castle  from  1430 
to  1 449,  and  perhaps  longer.  ^  He  lived  in  a  house  on 
the  site  of  the  present  Luttrell  Arms  Hotel.  Under 
an  entail  of  1449,  he  might  have  succeeded  to  the 
whole  Barony  of  Dunster,  but  he  died  without  lawful 
issue,  and,  as  he  was  a  bastard,  his  property  at  Kents- 
ford  near  Watchet  escheated  to  his  overlord,  James 
Luttrell  of  Dunster.  * 

'  D.C.M.   I.  15.     The  seal  attached  »  MS.  at  St  Audries. 

to  this  document,  although  professing  '  D.C.M.  xviii.  3,  4. 

to  be  that  of  the  testator,  is  clearly  not  <  Inq.  post  mortem,  i  Edw.  IV.  no. 

his.     It  bears  a  shield  charged  with  43  :  D.C.M.  i.  23,  25.     An  erasure  in 

six  cross-crosslets,  a  castle  for  crest,  the  letters  patent  is  remarkable, 
and  the  initials  "  R.C.  " 


The  Luttrells  of  Chilton  and  Dunster 

The  direct  line  of  the  Luttrells  of  East  Quantocks- 
head  having  come  to  an  end  in  the  person  of  Sir  John 
Luttrell,  K.B.  most  of  their  lands  passed  to  a  younger 
branch  which  already  had  property  in  Devonshire. 

John  Luttrell,  the  founder  of  this  younger  branch, 
is  distinctly  stated  in  a  brief  of  the  time  of  Henry  the 
Sixth  to  have  been  brother  of  Sir  Andrew  Luttrell  of 
East  Quantockshead, '  but  a  careful  examination  of 
dates  makes  it  almost  certain  that  he  was  his  son. 
When,  in  March  1337,  Edward  the  Third  conferred 
the  title  of  Duke  of  Cornwall  upon  his  eldest  son 
Edward,  and  created  six  earls,  he  solemnly  dubbed 
a  number  of  knights,  of  whom  this  John  Luttrell 
was  one.  ^  In  the  very  same  month,  Andrew  Luttrell 
the  youthful  rector  of  East  Quantockshead  received 
episcopal  licence  to  stay  for  a  while  in  the  service  of 
his  brother  John. '  In  the  same  year,  Sir  John  Lut- 
trell acquired  property  at  Chilton  in  the  parish  of 
Thorverton  in  Devon.  *  He  also  had  land  at  Lundy 
Island.  ^      He  is   sometimes    described   as   '  lord   of 

'  D.C.M.  XXXV.  24.  (A.D.  1471.)  p.  300. 

*  Cotton  MS.  Faustina,  B.  VI.  f.  87.  ■•  Inq.   ad   quod   damnum,  file  239, 

Cf.  Stow's  Annals,  p.  233,  and  Chro?ii-  no.  10. 
coti  Galfridi  le  Baker  (1889),  p.  58.  *  Calendar  of  Close  Rolls,  1 343-1 346, 

•*    Drokensford's     Register     (S.R.S.),  p.  673. 

76  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  hi. 

Chilton,'  and  his  manor  there  was  known  as  Chilton 
Luttrell.  ^  He  was  a  commissioner  of  array  in  i  347 
and  1359,  and  he  was  returned  to  Parliament  as  one 
of  the  knights  of  the  shire  of  Devon  in  1360  and 
1363.  -  The  date  of  his  death  is  not  known.  His 
relict  Joan  survived  until  1378.  ^ 

Andrew  Luttrell,  son  of  Sir  John  and  Joan,  estab- 
lished the  fortunes  of  his  family  by  his  marriage  with 
Elizabeth,  relict  of  Sir  John  de  Vere,  son  of  the  Earl 
of  Oxford,  a  lady  of  the  most  illustrious  lineage.  Her 
father,  Hugh,  Earl  of  Devon,  one  of  the  companions 
in  arms  of  Edward  the  Third,  and  one  of  the  original 
Knights  of  the  Garter,  was  head  of  the  noble  house 
of  Courtenay.  Her  mother,  Margaret,  was  daughter 
of  Humphrey  de  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford  and  Essex, 
Constable  of  England,  "  the  flower  of  knighthood  and 
the  most  Christian  knight  of  the  knights  of  the  world," 
by  Elizabeth  his  wife,  daughter  of  King  Edward  the 
First.  Her  eldest  brother  was,  like  her  father,  an 
original  Knight  of  the  Garter  ;  a  second  brother  be- 
came Archbishop  of  Canterbury;  a  third  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  and  a  fourth  Governor  of  Calais.  Through 
her  sisters,  she  was  closely  connected  with  the  Lords 
Cobham  and  Harington. 

Lady  Elizabeth  Vere  was  a  widow  in  1350.  On 
the  occasion  of  her  marriage  to  Andrew  Luttrell, 
in  the  summer  of  1359,  Edward  the  Third  gave 
them  an  annuity  of  200/.  for  their  lives,  in  aid  of  the 
maintenance  of  their  social  position.  *  In  1 361,  Sir 
Andrew  Luttrell  and  his  wife  went  on  pilgrimage  to 

'  OVi-ver's  Monasticon  Dioecesis  Exon.  i   Ric.  II.   no.  22;  8  Ric.   II.  no.  26. 

p.  123  ;  D.C.M.  II.  9.  Escheators'  Enrolled  Accounts  (L.  T. 

2  Return  of  Members  of  Parliament,  R.)  3,  m.  31  ;  5,  m.  31  ;  8,  m.  11;  9, 

vol.  i.  pp.  163,  172.  m.  36. 

*  There  is  some  contradiction  about  ■•  Patent  Rolls,  24  Edw.  Ill,  part  2, 

the    exact    date.     Inq.   post   mortem,  m,  26;  33  Edw.  III.  m.  25. 


the  famous  shrine  of  Santiago  de  Compostella,  with  a 
retinue  of  twenty-four  men  and  women  and  as  many- 
horses.  ^  The  lady  was  for  some  time  in  the  service 
of  her  cousins,  Edward  '  the  Black  Prince  '  and  the 
'  Fair  Maid  of  Kent,  '  his  wife.  The  annuity  of  200/. 
was  confirmed  by  Richard  the  Second  in  1378,  and 
renewed  in  favour  of  Lady  Luttrell  in  1381,  her 
husband  having  died  in  the  interval.  ^  In  the  mean- 
while, Lady  Luttrell  had,  with  part  of  her  savings, 
bought  the  reversion  of  the  manors  of  Feltwell  in 
Norfolk,  and  Moulton,  Debenham  and  Waldingfield 
in  Suffolk.  ^  A  charter  of  free  warren  therein  was 
issued  in  her  favour  in  1373.  *  She  also  acquired  the 
right  of  appointing  two  of  the  canons  of  the  priory 
of  Flitcham.  ^ 

The  most  important  pecuniary  transaction  of  this 
Lady  Luttrell  was,  however,  her  purchase  of  the 
reversion  of  the  castle  of  Dunster,  the  manors  of 
Kilton,  Minehead  and  Carhampton  and  the  hundred 
of  Carhampton,  of  five  thousand  marks.^  As  she  pre- 
deceased the  vendor,  she  never  obtained  actual  posses- 
sion of  this  valuable  property.  Dying  at  Bermondsey 
on  the  7th  of  August  1395,  she  was  buried,  by  her 
own  desire,  in  the  Benedictine  Church  of  St.  Nicholas 
at  Exeter.  ^  Edmund  Stafford,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  in 
August  of  that  year,  ordered  public  prayers  to  be 
offered  throughout  his  diocese  for  the  souls  of  Mar- 
garet Cobham  and  Elizabeth  Luttrell,  sisters  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and,  by  way  of  encourage- 
ment, promised  an  indulgence  of  forty  days  to  the 
faithful  who  should  pray  for  them.  ^ 

1  Close  Roll,  35  Edw.  HI.  m.  22.  *  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  38. 

-  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    1377-  ^  Pp.  50,  52,  53.  above. 

13S1,  p.  170  ;  13S1-13S5,  p.  15.  '  Inq.  post  mortem,  19  Ric.  II.  nos. 

*  D.C.M.  XXXVII,  38-42.  47,  48  ;  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  42. 

*  Charter  Roll,  47  Edw.  III.  *  Stafford's  Register,  vol.  i.  f.  46. 

78  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  iii. 

Hugh  Luttrell,  son  of  Sir  Andrew  and  Elizabeth, 
was  born  about  1364.  By  the  successive  deaths  of 
his  grandmother  Dame  Joan  Luttrell  in  1378,  and 
of  his  elder  brother  John,  soon  afterwards,  he  became 
heir  to  the  small  paternal  estate  at  Chilton  in  Devon- 
shire, but  he  did  not  obtain  actual  possession  of  it 
until  1385,  when  he  was  in  the  King's  service 
abroad.  ^  He  was  for  a  time  an  esquire  in  the  house- 
hold of  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster.  ^  At  the 
beginning  of  1390,  he  is  mentioned  as  a  knight 
having  influence  at  Court,  and,  two  months  later,  he 
took  part  in  some  jousts  at  St.  Inglevert  near  Calais.  ^ 
In  consideration  of  his  services,  he  received  from 
Richard  the  Second,  in  1391,  a  grant  of  an  annuity 
of  20/.  out  of  the  confiscated  English  property  of  the 
priory  of  St.  Nicholas  at  Angers.  *  Four  years  later, 
a  further  annuity  of  40/.  was  granted  to  him,  on  his 
undertaking  to  remain  with  Richard  the  Second  for 
life.  ^  By  the  death  of  his  mother,  in  1395,  he  got  a 
considerable  accession  of  property.  He  was  also 
given  the  reversion  of  the  keepership  of  the  forest  of 
Gillingham  and  the  constableship  of  the  castle  of 
Leeds  in  Kent.  ^  In  1394  and  again  in  1399,  he  ac- 
companied his  royal  master  and  kinsman  to  Ireland.  ^ 

The  accession  of  the  house  of  Lancaster  proved  no 
detriment  to  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell.  Henry  the  Fourth, 
son  of  his  old  patron,  had  not  been  on  the  throne 
many  weeks  before  he  confirmed  to  him  his  annuities 
of  60/.  and  the  forestership  of  Gillingham,  and  gave 

•  Inq.  post  mortem,  i  Ric.  II.  no.  22;  History  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  91). 

8  Ric.  II.    no.  26.     Escheators'      En-  *  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    13SS- 

rolled  Accounts,  7,  m.  52  ;  8,  mm.  11,  1392,  p.  465. 

17  ;  9,  m.  36.  *  Calendar  of  Patent   Rolls,    ijgi- 

^  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  Miscellaneous  1396,  p.  620. 

Books,  no.  14,  f.  6d.  ^  Ibid.  p.  422. 

3  Calendar    of  Patent   Rolls,    1388-  ^  Ibid.  p.  476. 
1392,  p.  181 ;  Pichon  (quoted  in  Wylie's 


him  5/.  a  year  in  lieu  of  the  constableship  of  Leeds. 
The  letters  patent  to  this  effect  were,  however,  sur- 
rendered and  cancelled  in  1404,  when  the  King 
remitted  to  him  a  sum  of  482/.  8/.  11^.  due  to  the 
Exchequer  in  respect  of  lands  farmed  by  him  in  Kent.  ^ 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  was  at  Calais  in  1400,  in  some 
capacity  unspecified.  ^  His  receiver  in  the  west  of 
England  sent  22  marks  to  him  "  by  the  hands  of  John 
Luttrell,  son  of  Richard  Lutrell,  at  his  coming  from 
Calec,  at  the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  in  the 
fourth  year,"  that  is  to  say  at  Midsummer  1403.^ 
On  the  death  of  his  cousin,  Sir  John  Luttrell,  K.B. 
in  that  year,  he  succeeded  to  the  estate  at  East  Quan- 
tockshead.  His  receiver  paid  "  to  Richard,  rector 
of  Cantokeshede,  to  pay  to  the  executors  of  Sir  John 
Lutrell  for  divers  things  bought  for  the  use  of  my 
lord,  10/,  1 3 J.  4^.  ",  and  also  "to  the  same  executors, 
by  the  hands  of  Richard  Popham,  by  indenture, 
6  marks.  "  *  Later  in  the  same  year.  Sir  Hugh  was 
appointed  one  of  the  ambassadors  to  treat  with  the 
Commissioners  of  the  King  of  France  and  afterwards 
with  the  Commissioners  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  ^ 
Several  of  their  official  letters  have  been  preserved, 
and  in  one  of  them  he  is  specifically  described  as 
Lieutenant  of  Calais.  ^  In  the  spring  of  1 404,  he  was 
appointed  Mayor  of  Bordeaux  by  royal  authority, 
but  his  stay  in  Gascony  cannot  have  been  long, 
although  no  successor  to  him  was  appointed  until 
March  1406.^ 

'  Calendar  of  Patent    Rolls,    1399-  14,  7- 

1401,  p.  142  ;  Memoranda  Roll,  K.R.  *  Royal  and  Historical  Letters   (ed. 

5  Hen.  IV.  Hingeston),  pp.  170,  177,  186,  188,  194, 

»  Calendar    of  Patent  Rolls,   1399-  197,  202,  204. 

1401,  p.  271.  ^  Proceedings  of  the  Privy  Council 

^  D.C.M.  I.  14.  (ed.   Nicolas),  vol.   i.   p.  223  ;   Gascon 

4  Ibid.  Rolls  3-5  Hen.  IV.  m.  2  ;  6  Hen.  IV. 

«  French  Roll,  4  &  5  Hen.  IV.  mm.  m.  5. 

8o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  hi. 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  was  elected  one  of  the  knights 
of  the  shire  for  Somerset  in  the  Parhament  which  was 
summoned  to  meet  at  Coventry  on  the  6th  of  October 
1404,  and  he  was  paid  for  forty-six  days'  personal 
attendance.  ^ 

Two  days  before  the  meeting  of  that  Parliament, 
Lady  de  Mohun  died,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  lost  any  time  in  putting  forward  his 
claim  to  the  estate  of  which  his  mother  had  bought 
the  reversion  from  her  some  twenty-eight  years  pre- 
viously. In  the  first  instance,  however,  the  escheator 
intervened  on  behalf  of  the  Crown,  and  on  the  17th 
of  October,  the  King,  anticipating  complications, 
gave  a  temporary  lease  of  the  Mohun  property  to 
William  Grene  and  John  Lawrence,  esquires,  for  a 
considerable  rent.  These  lessees  remained  in  occu- 
pation of  Dunster  until  the  17th  of  February  1405, 
when  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  presumably  obtained  posses- 
sion.^ He  was  certainly  established  there  a  few  months 
later.  His  household  accounts  for  that  year  supply 
various  notices  of  his  proceedings  in  Somerset  and  of 
his  going  to  Wales  to  fight  against  Owen  Glendower. 

July  3.  "  Paid  by  order  of  my  lord  for  the  expenses  of 
a  varlet  of  my  lady  the  Countess  of  La  Marche  sent  with  her 
letters  to  my  lord,  as  in  his  horse  being  in  the  town,  1 5^</.  " 

July  8.  "  Paid  by  order  of  my  lord  for  the  expenses  of 
the  horses  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  riding  towards  the  King, 
%od.  "  '' 

July  29.  "  In  a  pottle  of  wine  because  of  the  Archdeacon 
of  Taunton,  \d.  " 

July  31.  "  Paid  by  order  of  my  lord  to  William  Godwyn 
for  so  much  borrowed  of  him  on  the  day  on  which  the  beasts 
on  Exmore  were  brought  together,  3J.  \d.  " 

1  Close  Roll,  6  Hen.  IV.  m.  5^.  ^  There  was  no  Earl  of  Pembroke  in 

-  Placita  de  Banco,  no.  584,  mm.  339,       1405.  The  person  so  styled  was  probab- 
339<^-  ly  Reynold,  Lord  Grey  of  Ruthyn. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  8i 

August  25.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  a  messenger  of 
the  King  bringing  to  him  his  letters  by  which  the  King 
ordered  him  to  hasten  towards  the  parts  of  Wales,  35.  4^. 
Also  on  the  same  day,  paid  by  order  of  my  lord  for  the 
expenses  of  the  horses  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  returning 
from  the  King  and  those  of  other  strangers,  35.  ^^d.  " 

September  11,  "  In  a  cart  twice  carrying  victuals  from 
the  castle  to  the  haven  towards  my  lord  who  was  in  Wales, 
6^.  "  "  Also  on  the  same  day  paid  for  six  standards  of  my 
lord's  arms  delivered  to  divers  ships  of  Minhede  carrying 
victuals  to  my  lord  in  the  parts  of  Wales,  2s.  " 

"  Also  paid  in  the  expenses  of  my  lord  and  his  household 
riding  towards  the  King  who  was  at  Leicestre  and  absent  for 
four  whole  weeks,  4/.  155.  8^.  Also  paid  to  John  Cotes  at 
his  lodging  at  Henyngham,  my  lord  being  there,  as  more 
fully  appears  in  indentures  made  between  my  lord  and  him, 
4/.  13J.  4^.  " 

September  12.  "  Paid  to  two  armourers  cleaning  my 
lord's  armour  for  fourteen  days  and  a  half,  at  14^.  a  day, 
both  for  them  and  for  a  servant  who  waited  on  them  (famulo 
eisdem  servienti)  for  the  same  time,  i6s.  iid. 

October  2.  "  In  bread  and  ale  bought  for  certain  seamen 
who  were  in  the  ship  (batella)  Howell  sent  to  the  parts  of 
Wales  to  get  news  of  my  lord  who  was  there  in  the  retinue 
of  the  King,  lid.  " 

October  9.  "In  88  wheaten  loaves  bought  and  sent  to 
mv  lord  in  the  parts  of  Wales,  every  loaf  at  a  halfpenny, 
3/.  %d.  " 

October  23.  "In  horse  bread  bought  for  the  horses  of 
my  lord  who  was  at  Dunstre,  22^.  " 

October  26.  "  Delivered  to  my  lord  going  on  pilgrimage 
to  the  Chapel  of  the  Holy  Trinity  of  Bircombe,  i  id.  " 

The  chapel  thus  mentioned  may  probably  be  identi- 
fied with  a  small  ruin  now  known  as  '  Burgundy 
Chapel, '  standing  a  little  above  the  sea  in  a  secluded 
valley  on  the  west  side  of  Minehead,  not  far  from 
Greenaleigh  Farm.     Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  evidently  held 

82  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

it  in  special  honour,  for,  in  several  subsequent  years, 
he  gave  considerable  sums  "  to  a  chaplain  celebrating 
in  the  chapel  of  Byrcombe  "  on  his  account. 

November  13.  "  To  two  armourers  cleaning  my  lord's 
armour  for  eleven  days,  at  4^.  a  day  apiece,  yj.  4^.  In  fresh 
lard  (sepo  porci)  for  the  same,  qd.  " 

"  In  the  gift  of  my  lady  to  Thomas  Kynge  riding  towards 
Saunton  as  her  messenger,  ^d. 

"  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  John  the  charioteer  (Charettier) 
bringing  my  lady  from  London  to  Dunsterre,  20;,  and  fDr 
certain  expenses  incurred  and  paid  by  him,  as  he  stated,  1 5^." 

December  20.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord,  by  his  order,  to 
two  servants  of  the  Prior  of  Dunsterre  who  presented  to  my 
lady  twelve  capons,  two  little  bacon-pigs  and  four  bushels  of 
green  peas,  1 6d.  "  (The  mention  of  green  peas  at  Christmas 
is  interesting.) 

"  For  hose  and  shoes  necessary  to  William  Russel  and 
Robert  the  keeper  of  the  horses,  because  of  the  approach  of 
Christmas,  20^.  In  paid  for  the  fur  of  six  gowns  (togarum) 
of  my  lady  and  her  daughters,  against  the  same  feast,  45.  lod. " 

"  Also,  on  the  same  day,  in  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  a  varlet 
of  John  Clifton  bringing  two  bucks  from  Gillingham,  20^. 
Also  on  Christmas  Eve,  in  rushes  bought  to  strew  in  the 
hall  and  the  chambers,  6d.  Also,  on  Christmas  Day,  in  the 
offerings  of  the  servants  of  the  household  distributed  in  the 
church,  by  order  of  my  lord,  is.  '* 

December  26.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  three  tenants 
of  John  Cobleston  who  played  before  him  3^.  4^.  In  the 
gift  of  the  same  to  six  tenants  of  Dunsterre  who  played 
before  him,  3J.  ^d.  In  the  gift  of  the  same  to  several  children 
of  Minhede  who  danced  before  him,  20^. 

December  27.  "  In  wine  bought  and  conveyed  from 
Taunton  on  account  of  the  feast  held  by  my  lord,  75.  " 

1406.  January  5.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  two  servants 
of  my  lady  of  Pawlet  who  brought  the  carcase  of  an  ox  and 
a  boar  and  a  live  '  grue,'  and  presented  them  to  my  lady,  6i. 
8^;  and  in  the  expenses  of  their  horses  that  were  in  the  town 
for  a  night,  1 7^.  Also  on  the  same  day  in  the  gift  of  my 
lord  to  a  servant  of  William  Godwyn  who  brought  a  boar 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  83 

and  presented  it  to  my  lady  against  Christmas,  lod.     Also 
in  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  the  Clerks  of  St.  Nicholas,  i2d.  "  ^ 

The  clerks  of  St.  Nicholas  were  probably  boys 
connected  with  the  Priory  of  Dunster,  of  whom  one 
styled  the  '  boy  bishop  '  was,  by  irreverent  custom, 
allowed  to  perform  certain  religious  functions  in 
church  between  the  feast  of  St.  Nicholas  and  that  of 
the  Holy  Innocents,  in  the  month  of  December.  ^ 

Amid  the  merriment  of  the  first  Christmas  that 
Sir  Hugh  kept  at  his  new  home,  he  had  cause  for 
grave  anxiety,  his  title  to  Dunster,  Minehead,  Car- 
hampton  and  Kilton  being  challenged  by  the  coheirs 
of  Sir  John  and  Lady  de  Mohun.  Edward,  Duke  of 
York  and  Philippa  his  wife,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of 
Salisbury,  and  Richard,  Lord  Strange  of  Knockin,  a 
formidable  combination,  had  already  begun  legal  pro- 
ceedings with  a  view  to  recovering  the  estates  of  which 
the  reversion  had  been  sold  to  Lady  Luttrell.  On  the 
14th  of  May  1405,  the  King  had  appointed  nine 
special  commissioners,  including  the  two  Chief  Justices 
and  the  Chief  Baron  of  the  Exchequer,  to  take  an 
assize  of  novel  disseisin  in  the  matter.  ^ 

The  household  accounts  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  con- 
tain several  allusions  to  the  suit  : — 

1405.  July  10.  "  For  expenses  incurried  by  my  lord 
himself  and  strangers  who  came  to  him  at  Yevelchestre, 
because  his  adversaries  intended  on  that  day  to  have  arrained 
the  assize  against  him,  67;.  iid. 

1406.  January  3.  "  Paid  for  four  quires  of  paper  bought, 
IS.  Paid  for  twelve  skins  of  parchment  on  which  to  write 
the  evidences  of  my  lord,  at  Briggewater,  25.  %d.  In  the 
expenses   of  John   Bacwell   about  the  writing  of  the  said 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7.  times.  Hone's  Ancient  Mysteries,  Max- 

*  For  boy  bishops  see  Brand's  Poj)U-  well  Lyte's  History  of  Eton  College,  etc. 

lar  Antiquities,   Warton's   History  of         ^  Patent   Roll,   6   Hen.    IV.  part  2, 

English  Poetry,  Strutt's  Sports  and  Pas-  m.  22d. 

84  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

evidences  and  other  affairs  of  my  lord,  who  was  there  for  six 
days,  12;. " 

January  5.  "  In  the  expenses  of  my  lord  who  came  to 
Brigewater  for  certain  causes  touching  his  plea,  35.  id. 
And  in  his  gift  to  a  lawyer,  a  kinsman  of  Richard  Popham, 
6s.  U.  " 

In  Easter  term  1406,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  brought 
a  subsidiary  suit  against  Thomas,  Prior  of  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  for  the  delivery  of  the  sealed 
chest  which  Lady  de  Mohun  had  deposited  in  his 
charge  two  days  before  her  death.  He  was  opposed 
by  the  coheirs  of  Mohun,  but,  after  full  argument, 
the  chest  was  opened  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 
and  adjudicated  to  him,  the  contents  being  title  deeds 
to  property  of  which  he  was  in  actual  possession.  ^ 

Some  weeks  later,  a  novel  arrangement  was  made 
for  the  determination  of  the  main  controversy. 

On  the  19th  June,  the  House  of  Commons  sent 
up  a  petition  praying  that  the  suit  concerning  the 
castle  and  manor  of  Dunster,  the  manors  of  Mine- 
head,  Kilton,  and  Carhampton,  and  the  hundred  of 
Carhampton,  with  their  appurtenances,  should  be 
referred  to  the  award  and  judgement  of  four  lords  of 
the  realm  and  all  the  justices.  To  this  the  Duke  of 
York,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  his  parceners  agreed, 
stipulating  only  that  the  lords  selected  and  the  justices 
should  swear  before  the  King  in  Parliament  to  settle 
the  matter  according  to  the  laws  of  the  realm  before 
a  certain  day,  without  showing  favour  to  either  party. 
The  plaintiffs  accordingly  nominated  two  laymen,  the 
Lords  Roos  and  Furnival,  and  the  defendant  nomin- 
ated the  Bishops  of  Exeter  and  St  David's.  The  ist 
of  November  was  moreover  fixed  as  the  latest  day  for 
their  decision.     The  Bishop  of  Exeter  and  the  two  lay 

•  Placita  de  Banco,  no.  581,  m.  119. 

CH.  III.      A   HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  85 

lords  took  the  stipulated  oaths  on  the  spot,  and  Par- 
liamentary authority  was  given  to  the  King's  Council 
to  receive  the  oaths  of  the  other  arbitrators  during 
the  recess  then  about  to  begin.  Seven  of  the  judges 
were  sworn  before  the  King  and  the  Bishop  of 
Durham,  then  Chancellor  of  England,  at  the  house 
of  the  latter  on  the  3rd  of  July,  William  Gascoigne, 
the  Chief  Justice  being  absent.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  the  22nd  of  October  that  the  court  was  fully 
constituted,  the  Bishop  of  St  David's  then  taking  the 
oath,  together  with  Laurence  Drue  who  had  been 
substituted  for  the  Bishop  of  Exeter.  The  arguments 
seem  to  have  been  continued,  by  consent  of  the  part- 
ies, beyond  the  date  originally  fixed  for  the  decision, 
but  without  any  result,  no  definite  issue  having  been 
joined,  and  the  parties  being  still  "  f ;^  travers.  "^ 

At  some  unspecified  date  in  November  or  Decem- 
ber, the  Commons  took  up  the  matter  again  on  behalf 
of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  who  sat  among  them  as  one  of 
the  members  for  Devonshire.  Contrasting  "  the  poor 
estate  of  the  said  Hugh  "  with  "  the  great  estates  "  of 
his  adversaries,  they  prayed  that  the  special  assize 
should  be  repealed,  unless  concerned  with  evidence 
already  produced,  and  that  no  fresh  commission  for  a 
special  assize  should  be  issued.  They  further  prayed 
that  if  a  suit  should  be  instituted  for  trial  by  the 
country  in  the  normal  manner,  nobody  should  be 
put  on  the  jury  who  had  not  40/.  a  year  in  land,  and 
they  ended  by  observing  that  the  estates  in  question 
were  of  great  value  and  the  parties  powerful  persons, 
so  that  "  mischief  and  riot  "  might  easily  arise  unless 
special  precautions  were  taken.  To  this  the  King 
replied  that  the  statute  made  should  be  observed,  and 

'  Rotuli  Paliamentoruni,  vol.  iii.  pp.  577,  578. 

86  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

that  the  Sheriff  of  Somerset  should  be  sworn  before 
the  Council  to  empanel  the  most  sufficient  and  im- 
partial persons  in  his  bailiwick.  ^ 

There  is  at  Dunster  Castle  an  original  deposition 
made  by  Sir  Baldwin  Malet  at  Enmore  on  the   30th 
of  December  1406,  that  he  and  other  military  tenants 
of  the  Honour  of  Dunster  had  duly  recognised  the 
conveyance  made  by  Sir  John  and  Lady  de  Mohun 
to  the  Bishop  of  London  and  other  trustees.    Attach- 
ed to  it  is  an  undated  list  of  the  principal  men   of 
Somerset,   classified   as  "  knights,  "   "  esquires   with 
100  marks  at  the  least,"  and  "  esquires  with  40/.  at  the 
least."     Dots  against  the  names  of  twelve  persons  of 
the  second  category   suggest  that   they   were  to  be 
empanelled  as  a  jury.  ^     Nevertheless  it  seems  fairly 
clear  that  the  case  was  heard  at  Ilchester,  in  Michael- 
mas  term,    by   special   commissioners,   probably   the 
whole  judicial   bench,   as   Markham  and   Hankford, 
who   had  not   been   nominated  in  the  commission  of 
the  14th  of  May  1405,  took  part  in  the  proceedings. 
The  two  Chief  Justices,  the  Chief  Baron,  and  other 
judges  were  certainly  present,   and  a  long  array  of 
Serjeants  and  counsel.     Robert  Tirwhit  conducted  the 
case  for  the  plaintiffs,  and  Robert  Hill  for  the  defend- 
ant.     Some  of  their  arguments  have  been  reported  at 
considerable  length,   dealing    with    highly  technical 
points  of  law.     For  the  present  purpose  it  is  sufficient 
to  note  that  the  plaintiffs  disputed  the  validity  in  law 
of  certain   transactions  subsequent   to   the   entail    of 
1346.^     The   report  ends  abruptly  with  an  adjourn- 
ment, and  all  that  we  know  further  about  the  matter 
is  that  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  remained  in  possession. 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  was  again  returned  as  a  knight 

'  Roiiili    Parliamentorum,    vol.    iii.  *  D.C.M.  iv.  17. 

p.  597.  *  Year  Book,  Mich.  8  Hen.  IV.  no.  12, 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  87 

of  the  shire  for  Devon  in  1407.  ^  Three  years  later, 
when  he  was  Steward  of  the  Household  of  Queen 
Joan,  he  was  appointed  by  her  to  the  offices  of 
constable  of  Bristol  Castle  and  keeper  of  the  forests 
of  Kingswood  and  Fulwood  for  the  term  of  her 
life.  ^  In  1 41 4,  he  was  returned  to  two  Parliaments 
as  member  for  Somerset.  There  are  some  entries 
about  the  constableship  of  Bristol  in  his  accounts  a 
few  years  later  : — 

1420.  "  In  the  expenses  of  John,  son  of  my  lord,  and 
William  Godwyn  travelling  to  London  for  the  patents  of 
my  lord  concerning  Bristol,  and  for  other  business  of  my 
lord,  in  going  and  returning,  for  sixteen  days,  in  all  40J.  " 

"  Paid  to  the  clerk  of  the  Pipe  for  searching  the  evidences 
and  record  of  the  receipts  of  the  Constable  of  Bristol  and  of 
the  dues  coming  to  him,  35.  /\.d.  " 

1 42 1.  "  Of  20/.  received  from  William  Godewyn  of  my 
lord's  fee  from  the  castle  of  Bristol.  " 

Soon  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  France, 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  seems  to  have  been  sent  over  to 
Normandy  as  one  of  the  councillors  of  the  Governor 
of  Harfleur.  ^  The  following  entry  occurs  in  the  roll 
of  his  accounts  for  the  year  ending  at  Michaelmas 
1416  : — 

"  In  the  expenses  of  Thomas  Hody  and  John  Bacwell 
with  three  servants  and  six  horses  from  Hampton  to  Dunster, 

Hody  was  the  receiver-general,  and  Bacwell  the 
domestic  chaplain.  In  the  absence  of  their  employer, 
they  lodged  at  Dunster  Castle  for  some  weeks.  The 
only  member  of  the  family  who  is  definitely  stated 
to  have  been  there  at  this  time  was  William  Luttrell, 

*  Return  of  Members  of  Parliament,  ^  Hall's   Union    of   the  families    of 

vol.  i.  p.  271.  Lancaster  and  York. 

2  Patent  Roll,  14  Hen.  IV.  m.  22.  ^  D.C.M.  i.  16. 

88  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

Sir  Hugh's  son,  and  he  stayed  only  two  weeks.  His 
groom  and  the  groom  of  his  brother  John  were  there 
for  five  weeks  apiece. 

In  February  141 7,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  undertook, 
for  a  sum  of  286/.  to  serve  the  King  in  the  French 
war  for  a  year,  with  one  knight,  nineteen  esquires, 
and  sixty  archers.  ^  The  muster  of  his  company, 
taken  before  embarkation  a  few  months  later,  shows 
that  he  had  serving  under  him  Sir  Geoffrey  Luttrell 
of  Irnham,  the  head  of  his  family,  John  Luttrell,  his 
own  son,  William  Godwyn,  his  son-in-law,  and  six- 
teen other  esquires,  forty-two  mounted  archers  and 
twenty-five  archers  on  foot.  '  None  of  the  number 
were  military  tenants  of  the  Honour  of  Dunster. 
The  following  entries  occur  in  the  accounts  kept  at 
Dunster  : — 

141 7.  "Paid  to  three  Breton  prisoners  going  into  Brit- 
tany for  their  ransoms  and  those  of  their  fellows,  for  their 
expenses,  loj.  " 

"  In  the  expenses  of  a  French  friar  for  six  weeks,  at  lod. 
2l  week,  lOJ.  Also  of  six  Bretons  and  a  page,  captives,  of 
whom  three  for  thirteen  weeks  at  \Qd.  a  week,  and  three 
for  four  weeks,  and  the  page  for  ten  weeks,  50J.  \od.  Also 
of  a  man  of  Portugal  for  seven  weeks,  8j.  id.  Of  another 
from  Portugal  for  two  weeks,  is.  \d. 

"  For  the  expenses  of  my  lord  travelling  to  the  sea,  on 
the  8th  of  July,  7/.  lis.  \d.  " 

"  In  the  passage  of  my  lord,  paid  for  meat  taken  for  my 
lord's  hawk  and  expenses  up  to  the  same  time,  16^."  * 

In  the  same  year  there  is  the  following  detailed 
account  : — 

"  The  barge  called  the  Leonard  of  Dounstere. 

The  account  of  Philip  Clopton,  master  of  the  barge  of  the 

I  D.C.M.  I.  t6.  *  Accounts,  Exchequer.  K.R.,  bundle 

»  Vincent  MS.    {  Heralds'   College  )      51,  no.  2. 
29,  f.  55.  ''  D.C.M.  I.  16. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  89 

noble  lord,  Sir  Hugh  Lutrell,  knight,  lord  of  Dounstere,  as 
for  a  voyage  made  by  her  from  the  port  of  Mynhede  to 
Bordeaux  and  back  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
Henry  the  Fifth.  The  same  answers  for  42/.  los.  received 
for  the  freight  of  the  wine  of  divers  merchants  for  the 
aforesaid  voyage. 

"  In  paid  for  food,  drink,  planks,  nails,  wages  of  workmen, 
and  other  necessaries  bought,  and  expenses,  as  in  the  repair 
of  the  said  barge,  in  part  by  the  survey  of  the  reeve  of 
Minhede,  as  appears  by  a  shedule....  4/.  loj.  lo^^'.  And  in 
6  pieces  of  *tielde'  bought  for  the  covering  of  the  ship,  13J. 
4<^.  In  2  rolls  of  *  oleyn  '  bought  for  repairing  the  sail  42J. 
In  old  anchors  repaired,  6s.  %d.  In  *  canevas  '  bought  for 
repairing  the  aforesaid  sail,  yj.  In  empty  pipes  and  '  barelles  ' 
bought  for  placing  flour  in,  together  with  grease  bought  for 
rubbing  the  same  barge,  i  \s.  In  7  broad  planks  bought  for 
'  alcassyng  '  of  the  same,  6j.  %d.  In  5  live  oxen  bought  at 
lis.  apiece,  deducting  55.  for  hides  sold,  ^^s.  In  2  pipes  of 
ale  and  other  *  barelles  '  bought,  365.  " 

Other  similar  entries  follow,  the  total  gross  cost  of 
the  voyage  amounting  to  42/.  3/.  \d. 

In  1 41 8  and  141 9,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  was  lieuten- 
ant of  Harfleur.  He  had  authority  also  to  treat  with 
the  captains  of  different  Norman  towns  that  were 
willing  to  capitulate  to  the  English.  ^  The  following 
entries  occur  in  his  accounts  : — 

141 8.     "In  cleaning  my  lord's  baselard  and  knife,  \\d.  " 

"  In  the  expenses  of  my  lady  being  there  (at  Dunster) 
partly  at  the  end  of  June  and  partly  in  the  month  of  July, 
for  five  weeks  in  all,  as  appears  by  a  paper  exhibited  at  the 
account,  335.  5/^." 

"  In  divers  victuals  bought  for  my  lord  and  sent  to  him 
at  Harflete  by  the  hands  of  Richard  Arnolde,  in  money 
delivered  to  the  same  Richard  upon  a  tally,  104/.  \'}^\d.  " 

"  In  a  pipe  of  wine  bought  for  the  use  of  my  lady  and  her 
mother  by  my  lord's  order,  as  of  his  gift,  495.  \d.  " 

'  Norman   Roll,   6  Hen.  V.  part  i.       7  Hen.  V.  part  i.  mm.  81,  79,  23^. 
mm.  15^,  13d,  \od  ;  part  2,  mm.  41,  9  ; 


90  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

"In  the  expenses....  of  two  prisoners  {prissonariorum), 
each  at  lod.  a  week  for  twelve  weeks,  los. ;  of  one  prisoner 
{incarcerati)  at  lo^.,  for  nineteen  weeks,  155.  lod.  '* 

The  receiver-general  was  on  the  other  hand  charged 
with  46J.  8^.  "  received  from  John  Rede,  pledge  for 
William  Perderiall,  a  Breton,  in  part  payment  of  his 
ransom  [Jinancie  sue).'" 

1419.  "In  25  quarters  of  beans  bought  and  sent  to 
Arflue,  as  is  contained  in  a  letter  of  my  lord  dated  the  23rd 
day  of  January  this  year,  at  3^^.  the  bushel,  585.  ^d.  In  a 
pipe  of  salmon  bought  and  sent  thither,  4/.  " 

"In  5  quarters,  2  bushels,  of  beans  bought  and  sent 
thither,  at  i,^d.  the  bushel,  lis.  i^d.  In  47  quarters,  4  bush- 
els of  oats  bought  and  sent  thither,  at  is.  ^d.  the  quarter, 
iioj.  lod.  In  I  quarter,  6  bushels  of  green  peas  bought 
and  sent  thither  at  lid,  14.S.  " 

"  In  4  casks  of  *  allec  '  (i.e,  herrings)  bought  and  sent 
thither,  60s.  " 

"  In  paid  for  the  freight  of  25  quarters  of  beans,  i  pipe 
of  salmon,  i  pipe  of  *  skalpyn,  '  i  pipe  of  green  peas,  to 
Arflue,  6p.  In  13J  dozens  of  Meynges  *  and  *  melewell ' 
bought,  at  35.  the  dozen,  40J.  6d.  In  carrying  the  same 
from  Mynheade  to  Dunster  and  thence  to  Hampton,  465.  2d. 
In  100  *  hakys  '  bought  and  sent  to  my  lord  at  Arflue,  30J." 

"  In  expenses  incurred  in  the  household  of  my  lord  there 
(at  Dunster)  from  Sunday  next  before  the  feast  of  All 
Saints  in  the  sixth  year  of  King  Henry  the  Fifth  (14 18) 
until  the  feast  of  the  Assumption  of  St.  Mary  next  follow- 
ing (August  141 9),  that  is  for  forty-one  weeks,  three  days, 
and  then  my  lord  was  at  home...  14/.  35.  6d.  " 

1420.  "  In  the  expenses  of  Richard  Arnold  travelling 
from  Hampton  to  Dunster  and  taking  with  him  two  horses 
of  my  lord,  5J.  " 

"  In  carrying  to  Dunster  certain  things  of  my  lord  that 
were  at  Mynheade  having  come  from  Arflue  in  charge  ot 
Roger  Kyng,  3^.  " 

"  Paid  to  Roger  Kyng,  *  shipman  ',  for  carrying  divers 
victuals  of  my  lord  from  Pole  to  Harfleu  this  year,  11/.  " 

"  In  the  expenses  of  my  lord  coming  from  Hampton  on 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  91 

Thursday  next  before  Christmas  (141 9)  and  being  at  Dun- 
ster  for  a  certain  time  and  then  travelHng  to  Saunton,  all 
reckoned  by  William  Person,  12s.  ii^d.  In  the  expenses 
of  the  same  lord  at  his  next  coming  from  Saunton  to  Dunster 
and  being  there  for  a  certain  time  at  the  Priory,  6s.  \d.  " 

"  In  the  expenses  of  my  lord  who  was  at  Domerham, 
Hampton,  and  Portysmouth,  as  appears  by  a  bill  under  the 
signet  of  my  lord  dated  the  loth  day  of  February  in  this 
the  seventh  year  of  King  Henry  the  Fifth,  64/.  8j.  In 
paid  to  the  reeve  of  Domerham  for  the  expenses  of  my 
lord  who  was  there,  as  appears  in  a  bill  under  the  signet  of 
my  lord,  ^^s.  %d.  In  certam  victuals  bought  by  Robert 
Ponyngys,  knight,  for  the  use  of  my  lord  and  sent  to 
Arflu,  as  appears  by  an  indenture  dated  the  7th  day  of 
April  in  the  eighth  year,  under  the  signet  of  my  lord  and 
the  signet  of  the  aforesaid  Robert,  10/.  4J.  In  twelve 
dozens  '  myllewell  '  and  '  leyngys  '  bought,  and  sent  to 
Arflu  at  the  request  of  my  lord,  at  Mynheade  ;  and  they 
were  sent  by  Roger  Kyng,  by  indenture,  36J.  In  twelve 
*  coungerys  '  bought  and  sent  thither  by  the  same  Roger,  8j." 

"  This  beth  the  parcell,  of  the  costages  that  beth  makid  by 
Williham  Godewyn  and  Richard  Arnolde  of  Bruton  aboghte 
diverse  vitailles  the  wheche  the  forsaide  Richard  hath  delyver- 
ed  to  Rogger  Kyng  of  Mynheade,  shipman,  at  the  havin  of 
Pole,   to  the  use  and  the  profitez  of  my  lorde.  Sir  Hugh 
Lutrell,  as  hit  is  specyfyed  in  endenters  bytwixt  hem  ther 
of  maked  ;   Forst,    in    18    quarteres    of  whete    boght    by 
Godewyn,  pris  the  bushelez,    lod^  61.  Item  in  23  quarteres, 
2  bushelez,  whete,  pris  the  bushelez,    %d.  summa,  61.  45. 
Item  paied  for  cariage  of  the  same  from  the  contre  to  the 
ship   5 J....     Item   in    10  quarteres  of  barly  malt  boght  by 
Godewyn,  pris  the  bushelez  lod^  66s.  Sd.  Item  in  54  quar- 
teres of  barly  malt,  pris  the  bushelez  9^,  1 61.  ^s.     Item  in 
6  bobus  (oxen)   pris  of  103J.     In  30  motons   pris  of  45J. 
Item  in  2  quarteres  3  bushelez  salt   for  the  same  flessh,   js. 
6d.     Item  in  3  pipes  for  the  same  flessh,  i  hoiggeshede  for 
otemele  and  i  barell  for  candelles,  pris  in  al  45.     Item  in  6 
bushelez  of  otemele,  price  the  bushelez  i6<^,   85.     Item  in 
9  dosyn  pondez  of  candelles,    lOi.   6d.     In  reward  of  the 
lardyner  for  syltyng  (i.e.  salting)  and  dyghtyng  (i.e.  dressing) 

92  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

of  al  the  flessh,  lod In  i  quarter  3  bushelez  of  cole,  pris 

the  bushelez  3^^,  3;.  3<^.  In  i  pipe  for  the  same,  lod.  Item 
payed  for  beryng  of  whete  from  the  house  of  W.  Waryner 
into  the  ship,  i6d.  Item  in  mattys  and  nailles  boght  for  to 
make  a  caban  in  the  ship  for  savying  of  the  corne  and  of 
the  malt,  35.  ']d.     Item  in  caryng  of  13  dosyns  of  fyssh  from 

Dunsterre  to  the  Pole  125 This  was  write  at  Pole  in 

Ingelonde  the  20  day  of  July  the  8  yere  of  the  reignyng 
of  Henry  oure  Kyng  the  5th.  " 

"  In  a  pipe  of  ale  bought  for  my  lord,  6d.  In  carrying 
divers  victuals,  that  is  to  say  flesh,  flour,  oats,  candles  and 
divers  other  victuals  from  Sheftysbery  to  Pole,  lOJ.  In  carry- 
ing the  fish  of  my  lord  from  Mynheade  to  Dunsterre  4*^.  " 

"  In  dehvered  to  my  lady,  by  appointment  of  my  lord,  by 
tally,  13/.  6s.  %d.  In  paid  the  same  lady,  of  my  lord's  loan, 
to  give  to  my  lady's  workmen  of  Saunton,  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  same,  6j.  %d.  In  delivered  to  the  same  lady  for 
wine  bought  for  her  use  and  that  of  my  lady  her  mother, 
against  a  payment  made  by  my  lord  for  the  same,  6j.  %d. " 

Attached  to  the  roll  of  accounts  from  Michaelmas 
1420  to  Michaelmas  1421  there  is  the  following 
letter  : — 

"Dere  frende,  y  charge  yow  that  ye  take  litill  Will  oure 
servant  20J.  for  his  fee  of  the  last  yer,  and  yif  hit  so  be 
that  he  compleine  to  yow  of  his  monoie  that  y  take  him  be 
spendid  in  my  servise,  that  ye  take  him  whanne  he  depart- 
ith  fro  yow  to  come  to  me  resonable  despenses  ;  and  this 
cedule  signed  wyth  my  signet  sail  be  yowr  warant.  And  in 
al  manere  wyse  thenkyth  on  my  stuf  of  fich  ageyns  Lentin. 
Writ  at  Harfleu  the  xviijt  daie  of  Octobre. 

Hugh  Lutrell,   knight,  lord   of  Dunsterre 
and  senescall  of  Normandie. 

Unto  Richard  Arnold,  oure  resseviour  at  Dunsterre."  ^ 

The  accounts  contain  the  following  entries  : — 
"  In  paid  to  William  called  Lytelwille,  my  lord's  servant, 

'  A  facsimile  of  another  letter  from       at  Dunster,   is  given    in  the   Archceo- 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  to  John  Luttrell,  his       logical  Journal,  yo\.  xxvii,  p.  53. 
son,  and  Richard  Arnold,  his  receiver, 

CH.  III.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  93 

for  his  expenses  at  Pole  and  elsewhere  on  my  lord's  affairs, 
this  year  in  the  month  of  December,  lOJ.  " 

"  In  54  quarters  of  wheat  bought  at  Blaneforde  and 
Wymborne,  the  price  of  a  bushel  10^.,  1 8/.  Also  in  5  quart- 
ers of  wheat  bought  at  Ruysshton,  the  price  of  a  bushel 
8<^.,  26s.  %d.  Also  in  51  quarters  of  oats  bought  at  Blanford, 
Wymborne  and  Ruysshton,  the  price  of  a  bushel  ^d.^  61.  iGs. 
Also  paid  to  William  Warnere  for  a  house  hired  from  him, 
in  which  to  place  my  lord's  corn,  at  Pole,  6s.  %d.  In  the 
expenses  of  Richard  Arnold  travelling  in  divers  places,  as 
appears  above,  for  buying  the  aforesaid  corn,  loj.  In  planks, 
nails,  *  mattis  '  and  straw  bought  for  making  a  granary  in 
the  ship  in  which  to  place  and  keep  the  said  corn,  4^.  In 
the  carriage  of  the  said  grain  i^d.  Also  in  paid  to  Gervase 
Knyte  of  Pole,  '  shipman, '  for  carrying  all  the  aforesaid 
corn  to  Harefleu  for  the  use  of  my  lord,  61.  " 

"  Also  in  salmon  y.  In  61  '  mullewell '  and  *  lynggys, ' 
3 1  J.  ()d.  In  64  *hakys'  lis.  %d.  In  49  couples  of  '  pul- 
lockes '  5J.,  bought  and  sent  to  my  lord  at  Harefleu  ;  the 
total  for  purchase  51J.  ^d.  In  carrying  the  said  fish  from 
Mynheade  to  Hampton  14J.  In  a  *  sarpler  '  (i.e.  piece  of 
canvas)  bought  in  which  to  wrap  up  the  said  fish,  6d.  In 
'  maylyngcordes  '  bought  for  the  same  ^d.  " 

**  Also  in  a  pipe  of  wine  for  my  lady,  who  was  at  Saunton, 
bought  of  Roger  Kyng  of  Mynheade,  for  the  household  of 
my  lady,  this  year,  46J.  ^d.  " 

"  Paid  to  George,  my  lord's  chaplain  at  Gyllyngham,  for 
the  expenses  of  my  lord  there  on  his  return  from  London,  i  ^d." 

In  this  year  there  is  an  interesting  inventory  of 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell's  plate  and  ornaments  : — 

"  In  primis,  a  coppe  with  a  park.  ^ 

A  coppe  with  a  sterr. 

A  coppe  withoute  pomel. 

A  coppe  with  a  perle  in  the  pomell. 

A  coppe  with  an  egle  ygylt  in  the  pomell. 

2  coppis  with  eglis  of  silvyr  in  the  pomell. 

3  hie  coppis  with  the  coverclis. 

'  A  stag  within  a  park  paling  seems  Archceologia,  vol.  xxix.  p.  387.  See 
to  have  been  one  of  the  badges  of  also  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1408- 
Richard  the  second.     See  the  plate  in      1413,  p.  147. 

94  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  iii. 

2  coppis  with  2  okurlis  (i.e.  oak  orles,  or  wreaths)  of  silvyr 
in  the  pomell. 

2  flatte  pecis  with  coverclis. 
A  vat  ycoveryd. 

An  hie  coppe  ycoveryd  with  fetheris  yplomyd  (the  crest 
of  Courtenay  and  Luttrell). 
A  coppe  ynamyd  Bath. 
A  coppe  ynamyd  Courtenay. 
6  flatte  pecis  withoute  coverclis. 
A  note  (i.e.  nut). 
A  spice  dissch. 

3  eweris. 

2  sponis. 

And  all  this  ygylt. 

A  peyr  doble  baceynys. 

3  sengle  bacynys  with  3  eweris  therto. 
A  galon  potte. 

2  potell  pottis. 

4  quart  pottis. 

An  ewer  with  10  coppis  withynne  hym  and  3  coverclis. 
A  round  coppe  ycoveryd  and  8  withynne  hym. 

3  grete    pecis  ycoveryd,   and    17    rounde   coppis   and  a 
tastour  and  an  ewer  for  water. 

A....  spone  and  a  verke  (i.e.  fork)  fore  grene  gyngyver  and 
15  flatte  pecis  and  3  coverlis. 

4  chargeris. 

2  doseyn  disschis  and  23  sauceris. 

23  sponis  of  on  sort  and   17   sponis  of  a  lasse  sort  and 
3  grete  saucerys  with  2  coverclis,  and  5  flatte  saleris  (i.e.  salt- 
cellars) and  an  ymage  of  Synd  Jon  of  silver  and  gylt,  and  an 
home  ygylt,  and  4  candelstikkis  of  silver. 
Item  por  le  Chapell — 

In  primis,  a  litil  chaleis  ygylt. 

A  paxbred  ygylt. 

2  cruetis  of  silver. 

A  corperas. 

A  peir  of  vestymentis. 

2  towelles. 

A  lytil  masboke. 

2  parelles  for  the  auter  and  a  superaltar. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  95 

"  Of  the  whiche  somme  above  saide  my  lord  hathe  with 
hym  to  Harflu  2  chargeris,  12  disschis,  12  sauceris  of 
silver,  2  coppis  and  a  ewer  ygylt,  an  hie  coppe  and  8  with- 
ynne,  a  gret  flat  pece  with  a  covercle,  7  flatte  peces  and  on 
covercle,  a  basyn  and  an  ewer,  1 1  sponis,  2  salers  with  a 
covercle  and  the  chapell  hole,  2  quart  pottys,  and  an  hie  coppe 
with  a  covercle  ygylt,  and  6  littel  sponys,  and  2  candelstykys 
of  sylver.  "  ^ 

Part  of  this  plate  had  come  to  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell 
from  his  grandmother,  the  Countess  of  Devon,  and 
part  perhaps  from  his  uncle  WiUiam  Courtenay, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  ^  In  141 5,  he  himself  had 
paid  no  less  than  54/.  to  the  executors  of  the  v^ill  of 
Sir  Ivo  Fitzwaryn  for  certain  silver  vases. 

The  exact  date  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell's  final  return 
to  England  is  not  knov^n.  Richard  Wydevill,  how- 
ever, occurs  as  Seneschal  of  Normandy  in  July  1422. 
The  last  few  years  of  Sir  Hugh's  life  were  spent  in 
retirement,  probably  in  consequence  of  failing  health. 
Some  further  extracts  from  his  accounts  may  not  be 
out  of  place  here,  in  illustration  of  the  history  of 
prices.  The  roll  of  expenses  of  John  Bacwell,  steward 
of  the  household,  for  the  year  ending  at  Midsummer 
1406,  is  especially  interesting  as  recording  all  pur- 
chases day  by  day.  There  being  at  that  time  prac- 
tically no  home  farm  at  Dunster,  all  provisons  had  to 
be  bought,  except  venison,  game,  fruit  and  vegetables. 
According  to  the  custom  of  the  manor  of  Minehead 
maintained  until  our  own  time,  the  lord  had  the  right 
to  buy  fish  there  at  wholesale  price: — 

1405,  June  28  "In  14  fowls  (pullis),  16^." 
July  I.  "In  4  gallons  (lagenis)  of  milk,  4^.     In  butter,  7^." 
July  2."  In  two  quarters  of  a  calf  bought,  lod.  In  divers 
spices,    id.      In    12    '  congrcs  '   4J.  of  the  custom   of  the 

'  D.C.M.  I.  16.  Antiquities  of  Canterbury,   Appendix, 

*  P.C.C.   Rouse,    f,   15  ;    Somner's      p.  33. 

96  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

manor   of  Minhede.     In  12  '  milwelles',    3J.   of  the  same 

custom.  " 

July  15.  "  In  two  quarters  of  wheat  (frumend)  bought,  at 

6j.  %d.  the  quarter,  135.  4^.  " 

July  1 7.  "  In  '  turbut, '  5^;    In  a  milwell,  6^;  in  an  eel,  3-^; 

in  '  bremis  '  and  other  fresh  fish  bought,  i\d\   in  2  bushels 

of  salt,  IS.  A^d  \  in  3  pottles  of  mustard,  7|-^.  " 
July  19.  "In  *  saffron,  '  y.  " 
July  26.  "  In  a  kid  {capriold)  %d.  " 
August  2.  "  In  3  '  maulardes,  '  dd.  " 
August  7.  "In  100  herrings  (allec)^  i6d.'" 
August  9.  "  In  2  little  pigs  (porcellis)  bought,  I2d.  " 
August  16.  "In  4  geese  bought,  lod." 
August  28.  "  In  2  '  raies  '  bought  at  Minhede,  6d.  " 
September  3.  "In  a  quarter  of  a  mutton  bought,  hd.  " 
September  6.  "  In  8  dozen  geese  bought  in  Alliremore  by 

Henry  Baker,  22i. " 

September  30.  "  In  a  salmon,  "jd.  " 

October  2.  "In  white  herrings  (allec  albis),  i']d.  " 

October  11.  "In  powder  of  ginger  and  of  pepper,  4^.  " 

October  21.  "  In  a  *  haque  '  bought,  5^.  " 

October  22.  "  In  3  'wodecokes  '  bought,  3^." 

October  23.  "  In  2  salmon  bought  at  Le  Merssh  i2d.     In 

15  live  pigs  bought  wholesale  (ingrossoj,  425.,  of  which  6  were 

sold  for  20i.  4.d.  and  9  became  bacon.  " 
October  28.  "  In  200  oysters,  6d.  " 
November   13.  "  In  2   oxen   bought  wholesale   for   the 

household,  23J.  %d. " 

November  25.  "  In  25  live  muttons  bought  in  Wales,  i  is." 
December  i  i."In  10  se2L-dogs (canihus  marims)houghtyiod." 
December   18.  "In  a 'gournard'  bought,  2<^.     In  honey 

bought,  ^d.    In  12/^.  of  *  almondes  *  bought,  3J.     In  12/^.  of 

*  dates  '  bought,  35.  " 

1406.  January   14.   "In  a   *  corlue '  bought,  3  <^.     In  3 

*  maulardes  '  bought,  <)d.  " 

February  1 2."In  1 30  'haques'  bought  at  Bristuyt,  the  haque 
at  2^d.a.nd  120  for  100,  315.  3^.  In  500  '  scalpines  '  bought 
at  25.  6d.  the  hundred,  1 2s.  6d.  In  1 5  gallons  of  olive  oil,  at 
1 2d.  the  gallon,  1 55.  In  2  measures  {copulis)  of  figs  and 
raisins,  12s.  " 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  97 

February  21.  "In  a  goat  bought,  6d.  In  a  ^teel'  bought,  id.'' 

March  7.  "In  fresh  *  melet  '  bought,   id. " 

March  10.  "In  mussels  (musculis)  hought,  id.'' 

May  14.  "In  140  eggs  bought,  ^jd. " 

1405.  July  10.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  divers  fishermen 
of  La  Marssh  who  presented  to  him  *  melet '  and  other 
fish,  I2d  " 

August  24.  "  In  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  a  fisherman  who 
presented  to  him  a  *  porpes, '  i2d.  "  ^ 

1420.  "In  3  bushels  of  oats  bought  for  the  sustenance 
of  my  lord's  swans,  lo^d.  " 

"  In  a  man  hired  to  carry  fish  from  the  Master  of  Brugge- 
water  to  my  lord's  stew  at  Dunster,  y.  9^.  To  a  certain 
servant  of  the  rector  of  Aller,  likewise  carrying  fish,  of  my 
lord's  gift,  2od.  " 

1417.  "  To  Philip  the  carpenter  and  his  fellow  for  cutting 
stakes  (paludes)  for  enclosing  the  stews  {stagnis)  in  the 
Hanger  (park),  in  part  payment,  i  8j.  ^d.  "  ^ 

1423.  "  4J.  paid  for  the  carriage  of  live  fish  from  Wol- 
lavyngton  to  Mynheade,  to  stock  my  lord's  stew  (vivario)."  ^ 

14.06.  "Five  gallons  of  white  wine  bought  at  Brigewater 
to  fill  up  a  pipe  of  wine  somewhat  diminished,  3J.  4J.  "  * 

14 1 7.  "  Two  pipes  of  wine  from  Gascony  bought  for  the 
use  of  my  lord,  4/.  13J.  4^.,  also  in  the  carriage  of  the  same 
wine  to  the  Castle,  §d.  "  ^ 

1426.  "  In  25  gallons  of  red  wine,   18   gallons  of  wine 

called  *  bastard  ' with  the  carriage   and   costs  of  the 

same,  25^.  yd.     In  a  pipe  of  wine  of  the  *  Rein.'  "  ^ 

Beer  cost  i^d.  per  gallon  from  Midsummer  to  Mich- 
aelmas, lid.  from  Michaelmas  to  Christmas,  and  id. 
from  Christmas  to  Midsummer ;  and  thirteen  gallons 
were  reckoned  as  twelve.  At  these  prices  the  bill  for  a 
twelvemonth  ending  in  June  1406,  came  1034/.  is.z^d. 

1405.  July  3.  "In  8  quarters  of  oats  bought  forthe  provend- 
er of  the  horses  of  my  lord  and  his  servants,  at  iSda.  quarter, 
los.  %d.     In  hay  bought  for  the  same  horses,  2j.  " 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7.  *  D.C.M.  I.  16. 

»  D.C.M.  I.  16.  *  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7. 

»  D.C.M.  XXXI.  8.  «  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  lo. 

98  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

October  9.  "  For  a  pad  (panello)  for  the  saddle  of  a  horse  of 
the  carnage  of  the  household,  \od.  " 

October  14.  "In  fresh  grease  bought  for  the  feet  of  my 
lord's  horses,  id.  " 

October  14.  "  In  4  halters  bought  for  the  horses  of  the 
chariot  {chariette)^  id.  " 

1406.  June  II.  "In  the  shoeing  of  the  horses  of  the 
carriage  and  of  other  servants  of  the  household,  both  at 
Wachet  and  at  Pottesham,  my  lord's  horses  being  at  Cantok, 
4J.  id. "  ' 

14 1 2.  "  To  John  Slugge,  for  a  horse  bought  of  him  by  my 
lord,  4/.  "  ' 

1416.  "In  the  cost  of  a  groom  travelling  from  Dunster  to 
Taunton  three  times  for  the  cure  of  a  horse  of  my  lord 
there  sick,  1 5  J<^. 

"  To  Robert  Hylwen,  a  groom  of  my  lord,  for  his  expenses 
with  two  other  grooms,  and  for  seven  horses  of  my  lord 
from  Dunster  to  London,  13J.  4<^.  " 

"In  17  horse-shoes  bought,  to  be  put  on  my  lord's  horses, 
25.  lod.     In  14  *  revets  '  for  the  same  ']d.  " 

"In  a  *  sadel  housse '  bought  for  my  lord's  saddle  and 
other  necessaries  bought  for  other  saddles  and  horses,  35.  " 

"  To  John  Hunte,  master  of  my  lord's  chariots  {curruum) 
for  his  expenses  with  regard  to  my  lord's  horses  and 
chariots,  by  a  tally  of  which  the  counterfoil  is  not  produced, 
61.  135.4^." 

141 7.  "  In  the  provender  of  the  horses  of  my  lord  and 
my  lady  for  three  weeks,  1 95.  ^d.  " 

"  After  the  departure  of  my  lord,  in  2  halters  bought  for 
my  lord's  horses  going  out  of  Mersswode  and  placed  in 
ward,  id.  Also  in  ointment  bought  for  their  feet,  id.  In 
a  *  horscombe  '  bought  3^.  " 

"  In  '  canevass  '  for  the  pads  {j>anellis)  of  the  saddles  and 
collars,  35.  \\d.  Also  in  9  double  girths  {cinguUs)  for  my 
lord's  horses,  i  dd.  Also  in  the  woodwork  (Jignis)  of  7  saddles 
for  the  carriage,  is.  loa.  Also  in  lolb.  *  flokkis  '  for  the 
stuffing  of  the  same,  18^.  Also  in  cords  called  '  teugropis  ' 
{i.e.  traces),  %d.  Also  in  divers  cords  bought  for  my  lord's 

1  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7.  '  D.C.M.  i.  14. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  99 

chariot,  14^.  Also  in  cords  for  the  whip,  id.  Also  in 
cords  for  driving  (regendis)  the  horses  of  the  chariot,  id. 
Also  in  2  pair  of  *  steroppis  '  for  the  saddles  of  the  carriage 
and  7  *  polys  '  and  3  *  reynes  '  and  8  '  contre  single  boucles  ' 
for  the  aforesaid  saddles  of  the  carriage,  45.  Also  in  *  tak- 
kys '  and  nails  {clavis)  for  the  chariot,  is.  ^d.  " 

"  Also  in  the  repair  of  two  *  ronges  '  for  the  chariot,  2d. 
Also  in  *  teughookys, '  7^.  Also  in  7  *  teugys, '  iid.  Also 
in  7  pads  {panelles)  for  7  *  semesadils, '  at  8^.  apiece  3^.  4^. 
Also  in  a  *  strake  '  {i.e.  rim)  and  *  dowlys  '  for  the  wheels  of 
the  chariot  weighing  i2lb.  of  iron,  i6d.  Also  in  '  vertgrese  ' 
for  a  horse  of  my  lord  that  was  sick,  ^d.  Also  in  white 
wine  for  the  same,  id.  " 

142 1.  "To  John  Taunton,  keeper  of  my  lord's  horses, 
for  oats  and  horse-bread  {pane  equina)  bought  for  my  lord's 
horses  before  the  feast  of  St.  Denys  in  the  ninth  year,  17J. 

<)¥■ " 

1409.  "To  Thomas  Skynner  for  the  rent  of  a  house  in 
le  Bailly  in  which  to  put  my  lord's  dogs,  3^.  ^fd.  " 

1417.  "In  expenses  incurred  in  taking  four  couples  ot 
coneys  and  birds  {yolucrum)  sent  to  John  Merchaunt  of 
Taunton  at  the  purification  of  his  wife,  2d.  "  ^ 

1405.  October.  29.  "  In  fresh  mutton  and  beef  for  my 
lord's  '  hawkes, '  i  'jd.   In  4  chickens  bought  for  the  same,  6d. " 

1405.  July  17.  "  In  fur  and  thread  for  repairing  my 
lord's  gown  {togd)y  6d.  " 

October  12.  "In  linen  cloth  and  thread  for  two  pair  of  my 
lord's  hose,  12^.  " 

"  For  the  repair  of  my  lord's  wallets  {besagiorum),  2d.  '* 

1406.  February  11.  "In  two  '  slipes  '  of  linen  thread 
bought  by  my  lady,  35.  6d.  And  in  the  weaving  {textura) 
of  the  same,  /\.d.  " 

April  10.  "  In  two  yards  of  linen  cloth  and  thread  bought 
by  the  hands  of  Michael  Strecche  for  my  lord's  *  doub- 
lettes,'  18^."' 

1420.  "In  a  pair  of  gloves  bought  for  my  lord,  6d.  " 

1 42 1.  "To  Laurence  Taillor  of  London  for  making  two 

»  D.C.M.  I.  16.  »  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7. 

loo         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 
gowns  {juparum)  of  my  lord  of  *  felewet, '  {i.e,  velvet),  1 3;. 

1405.  July  17.  "  In  shoes,  hose,  shirts,  and  breeches 
{braccis)  delivered  to  William  Russell,  my  lord's  *  henxteman  ' 
{i,e.  page),  lod.  " 

August  25.  "  For  the  making  of  two  *dowbletes'  for  Wil- 
liam Russel  and  Robert  the  keeper  of  my  lord's  horses, 
together  with  breeches  and  spurs  bought  for  them  by  the 
hands  of  John  Hunt,  2s.  6d.  " 

September  1 1.  "In  shoes  for  the  groom  of  the  bakery,  4^." 

October  12.  "  To  Hugh  Taillor  for  shirts  and  hose  bought 
by  him  for  three  grooms  of  the  stable,  i  jd.  " 

October  26.  "  Delivered  to  John  Hunte,  my  lord's  cham- 
berlain, for  buying  spices  and  other  things  necessary  for 
the  grooms  of  the  stable,  by  his  order,  i6d.  " 

1406.  April  10.  "  For  hose,  shoes,  shirts  and  breeches 
necessary  and  bought  for  the  grooms  of  the  bakery,  the 
kitchen,  and  the  stable,  3J.  Sd.  " 

142 1.  "In  4  yards  of  russet  cloth  bought  and  delivered  to 
Thomas  Pury,  reeve  of  Estkantok,  at   1 8^.  the  yard,  6s.  " 

The  number  of  retainers  living  at  Dunster  Castle 
seems  to  have  varied  from  time  to  time.  When 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  first  took  up  his  abode  there,  he 
had  a  stev^ard  of  the  household  at  5/.  a  year,  a  cham- 
berlain at  i/.  6s.  8^.,  a  cook  at  i/.  13/.  4^/.,  and  fifteen 
other  men  who  received  wages  ranging  from  i  3/,  4^/., 
up  to  2/.  Lady  Luttrell  had  a  damsel  in  attendance 
on  her,  and  there  was  one  laundress  for  the  whole 
establishment  at  6s.  Sd.  A  constable  of  the  Castle 
is  frequently  mentioned,  but  he  seems  to  have  lived 
in  the  town.  Year  after  year.  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell 
made  an  allowance  to  Dan  John  Buryton,  one  of  the 
monks  of  Dunster,  possibly  in  connexion  with  masses 
celebrated  in  St.  Stephen's  Chapel  or  in  the  Priory 
Church.  The  following  payments  are  recorded  in 
1406: — 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  loi 

June  I.  "  For  the  expenses  of  the  horses  of  Sir  Hugh 
Courtenay  of  Baunton  and  Sir  Hugh  son  of  the  Earl  (of 
Devon),  for  two  nights  and  a  day,  and  in  the  expenses  of 
their  varlet  sent  before  them  with  *  veneison, '  4J.  9^.  " 

June  7.  "  Paid  to  William  Brit  sent  from  London  and 
returning  to  London,  for  his  expenses  in  returning,  ioj.  " 

Lady  Elizabeth  Harington  stayed  at  the  Castle  for 
some  months  in  1424  with  her  retinue,  and  paid 
handsomely  for  board.  In  the  same  year,  Margaret 
Luttrell,  Sir  Hugh's  daughter-in-law,  paid  ^s.  for 
herself  and  her  gentlewoman  for  one  week.  Master 
John  Odeland  and  John  Scolemaystre,  who  were  there 
on  business  for  eighteen  weeks  and  ten  weeks  respec- 
tively, got  their  meals  free. 

In  1 42 1 ,  Sir  Hugh  paid  5/.  to  a  steward  of  his  lands, 
3/.  to  a  receiver  general,  i/.  6s.  8^.  to  an  auditor  of 
accounts,  and  i/.  apiece  to  an  attorney  and  a  clerk, 
but  it  is  not  likely  that  all  these  professional  persons 
resided  constantly  at  Dunster.  The  following  pay- 
ments are  recorded  in  the  accounts : — 

1406.  February  12.  "  In  three  dozen  of  '  countours  ' 
bought  for  the  exchequer  (scaccario)^  9^.  "  ^ 

142 1.  "  In  a  bag  bought  to  hold  the  roll  of  accounts  3^.  " 

1423.  "In  certain  red  (sanguinio)  and  green  cloth  bought 
for  the  livery  of  the  staff  (familie)  of  my  lord's  household 
this  year,     .     .     4/.  1 55.  4^.  " 

1424.  "  In  five  dozens  of  blue  f<^/(9^/VJ  cloth  bought  at 
Benehangre  for  the  livery  of  the  staff  of  my  lord's  house- 
hold this  year,  with  the  expenses  of  carrying  the  purchases, 
1 03  J.  4^.  In  five  pairs  of  embroidered  wallets  (mantkarum 
braud  )  for  my  lord's  five  gentlemen  for  their  livery  .  .  i6s. 
And  in  seven  pairs  of  embroidered  wallets  for  my  lord's 
yeomen  (valentis)  for  their  livery  .  .  i^s.  And  in  two 
embroidered  wallets  for  two  grooms,  this  year,  for  their 
livery     .     .     is.  id. "  ^ 

»  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7.  »  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  10. 

I02  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

1426.  "  In  green  and  red  (rubeo)  cloth,  that  is  to  say  for 
sixty-six  yards  of  each  colour,  bought  for  the  livery  of  four 
gentlemen,  eleven  yeomen  (valettorum)  and  four  grooms 
(garcionum)  who  were  in  the  household  .  .  j/.  lis.  6^d. 
including  the  expenses  and  carriage  of  the  same.  "  ^ 

1405.  November  6.  "  In  an  earthen  pot  in  which  to  put 
white  salt,  i^d.  " 

November  20.  "In  a  piece  of  sackcloth  of  which  were  made 
5  sacks  in  the  bakery,  price  y.  %d.  " 

December  1 6.  "  In  3  bowls  (bollis)  bought  for  the  kitchen. 
lod.     In  2  cups  (ciphis)  bought  for  the  buttery,  iid.  " 

December  18.  "In  four  dozens  of  tin  vases  (vasorum  stan- 
neorum)  bought  at  Brigewater,  72J.  In  the  expenses  of  a 
man  bringing  the  said  vases  to  Dunster,  7^.  In  6  ells 
(ulnis)  of  *  cannevas  '  bought  for  the  kitchen,  2s.  6d.  " 

1406.  January  22.  "  In  4  wooden  trenchers  (discis)  bought 
for  the  kitchen,  4^.  " 

February  4.  "  In  a  wooden  pot  (olla)  for  the  pantry,  id.  " 

March  10.  "  In  4  wooden  *  tancardes  *  bought  to  spare  the 
pots  (ollis)  made  of  leather,  12^.  " 

January  5.  "  In  a  needle  and  *  pakthreed  *  for  sewing  the 
sacks  of  the  bakery,  id.  " 

February  1 1 .  "To  John  Corbet,  smith,  for  a  *  wexpan,'  two 
*  wexirens, '  a  *  wexknyfe,  '  an  '  iren  rake,  '  a  *  pikeys,  ' 
a  *  matok, '  thirty-six  *  hoques  '  for  hanging  bacon  in  the 
kitchen,  etc.  6s.  %d.  " 

1405.  July  17.  "  In  lib.  of  wax  for  making  candles  in  the 
chapel,  "id. " 

August  21.  "In  iilb.  of  Paris  candles,  2s.  " 

November  20.  "In  a  bundle  of  *  macchernes  '  (/.f.  wicks) 
for  making  Paris  candles,  35.  ^d.  " 

December  18.  "In  1 1 J  'ronnes'  of  wick  thread  (fililkhenn) 
bought  for  torches,  6s.  id.  In  the  costs  of  a  man  bringing 
the  same  (etc.)  from  Brigewater  to  Dunster,  is.  id.  "  * 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  died  on  the  24th  of  March  1428, 
aged  about  sixty-four.  '  The  foUov^ing  entries  occur 
in  the  accounts  for  that  year  : — 

1  D.C.M.  I.  16.  '  Inq.  post  mortem, 6  32. 

»  D.C.M.  xxxvn.  7. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  103 

"  Paid  to  John  Bien  of  Shaftesbury  by  the  hands  of 
William  Godewyn  for  spices  bought  of  him  for  the  burial  of 
the  said  Hugh,  19  August,  44J.  id.  " 

"  To  Thomas  Wylhams  for  white  cloth  bought  of  him  at 
the  burial  of  the  said  Hugh,  6/.  45.  Also  paid  to  John 
Slug  for  providing  oats  against  the  burial  of  the  said  Hugh, 
1 1  J.  Also  paid  to  William  Stone  for  white  and  black 
cloth  bought  of  him,  together  with  the  making  of  sixteen 
gowns  (juparum)  and  the  like  number  of  capes  (capicium)  for 
sixteen  poor  people  at  the  time  of  the  burial  of  the  said 
Hugh,  74i.  " 

Two  years  later,  there  is  the  following  entry  : — 

"  Paid  to  Sir  Robert  Kent,  chaplain,  by  order  of  my  lord, 
to  distribute  among  the  chaplains  who  here  on  the  day  of 
the  anniversary  of  Hugh  Lutrell,  knight,  on  the  last  day  of 
March,  is.  9^.  " 

In  1432,  we  find  : — 

"  Paid  to  William  Stone  of  Dunster  for  six  gallons,  one 
pottle  and  one  pint  of  white  wine  bought  of  him  on  the  day 
of  the  anniversary  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  knight,  by  order 
of  my  lady,  paying  6d  a  gallon,  y.  ^d.  "  ^ 

A  monument  in  memory  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  and 
his  wife  seems  to  have  been  erected,  or  commenced, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  chancel  of  Dunster  church. 
Both  their  effigies,  made  of  alabaster  and  relieved 
with  gold,  have  been  sadly  mutilated  in  the  course 
of  centuries,  and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  they 
occupy  their  original  position.  They  now  lie  under 
a  canopy  carved  in  stone  in  an  arched  opening 
between  the  chancel  and  the  little  projecting  sacristy, 
which  was  almost  rebuilt  in  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  shields  below  them,  likewise  carved  in  stone, 
bear  no  arms  ;  there  is  no  inscription  ;  and  the  whole 
structure,  except  the  figures,  may  be  an  Easter 
Sepulchre  of  the  time  of  Henry  the  Seventh. 

»  D.C.M.  I   17. 

104  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  name  of  the 
Great  Seneschal  of  Normandy,  the  first  Luttrell  lord 
of  Dunster,  the  builder  of  part  of  the  Castle,  would 
have  been  so  well  known  on  the  spot  that  there 
could  be  no  question  as  to  the  fact  that  he  and  his 
wife  were  the  originals  of  the  two  alabaster  figures. 
Yet  every  writer  down  to  1879  who  has  mentioned 
them  has  described  them  as  representing  Sir  John  de 
Mohun  and  his  wife.  This  deep-rooted  error  appears 
to  have  arisen  out  of  an  exaggerated  respect  for  a 
hesitating  opinion  of  the  old  antiquary,  John  Leland, 
who,  in  his  account  of  Dunster  Church,  says  : — 

"  In  the  north  part  of  this  was  buried  under  an  arche  by 
the  high  altare  one  of  the  Luterelles,  or,  as  I  rather  thynke, 
of  the  Moions,  for  he  hath  a  garland  about  his  helmet,  and 
so  were  lordes  of  old  tymes  usid  to  be  buried.  "  ^ 

Although  the  arms  and  legs  of  the  knight  have 
alike  disappeared,  his  costume,  the  *  orle,  '  or  wreath, 
round  his  basinet,  the  '  demi-placcates  '  covering  his 
breast,  the  sword-belt  hanging  diagonally  across  his 
body,  the  six  overlapping  '  taces, '  or  plates,  round 
his  waist  and  hips,  and  the  '  tuiles '  that  protect  his 
thighs,  show  clearly  that  he  lived  in  the  first  part  of 
the  fifteenth  century.  Furthermore  the  official  collar 
of  SS.  round  his  neck  marks  him  out  as  a  person 
attached  to  the  service  of  a  Lancastrian  king.  No 
lord  of  Dunster  except  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  answers  to 
this  description. 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell's  wife  was  Catherine  daughter 
of  Sir  John  Beaumont  of  Devonshire,  and  relict  of 
John  Strecche.  Her  first  marriage  seems  to  have 
taken  place  at  Christmas  1376,  and  although  her 
husband  died    without    issue    in  the  lifetime  of  his 

'  Itinerary  (1907),  p.  166. 





In  DuTLSter  Church. 

AD.  1428-1435. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  105 

father,  Sir  John  Strecche,  she  obtained  a  life  interest 
in  the  manors  of  Wolston,  in  Devonshire,  and  Sampford 
Arundel,  in  Somerset,  which  she  was  able  to  enjoy 
with  her  second  husband  \  Several  notices  of  her 
in  the  Dunster  accounts  have  been  quoted  already, 
and  a  few  more  may  be  given  here  : — 

1406.  February  11.  "  Paid  to  brother  Gilbert  Ley  for 
mendding  illuminating,  covering  and  binding  a  missal,  a 
breviary  (portaC ),  and  a  French  book,  by  order  of  my  lady 
6s.  U. " 

"  On  Easter  Day.  In  the  offerings  of  my  lady  and  her 
daughters,  4^.  And  in  the  gift  of  my  lord  to  J.  a  Carmelite 
friar  of  Bristol,  begging,  iid.  " 

"  In  the  offerings  of  my  lady  on  Whitsunday,  id.  " 

June  1 1.  "To  my  lady  going  on  pilgrimage  to  Cleeve,  6</."  ^ 

During  the  long  absences  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell 
abroad,  his  wife  seems  to  have  spent  a  good  deal  of 
her  time  with  her  mother,  Lady  Beaumont,  at  Saun- 
ton  in  Devonshire.  After  his  death,  the  manors  of 
Minehead  and  East  Quantockshead,  with  the  ad- 
vowson  of  the  church  at  the  latter  place,  were 
assigned  to  her  by  way  of  dower,  but  she  appears 
to  have  compounded  for  an  annuity  of  100/  out  of 
her  husband's  estates.  She  died  on  the  28  th  of  August 
1435,  and  was  presumably  buried  at  Dunster. '  Her 
effigy  in  alabaster  lies  on  the  north  side  of  the  chan- 
cel there  beside  that  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell.  She  is 
represented  in  a  sideless  dress,  through  the  openings 
of  which  may  be  seen  the  girdle  of  her  kirtle,  and 
over  all  a  mantle  fastened  in  front  by  cords  which 
pass  through  open  fermeules,  or  loops  ;  a  long  veil 
hangs  down  from  the  top  of  her  head.  Her  feet 
rest  on  an  animal  now  headless. 

'  Inq.   post  mostem,    14   Hen.   VI.  ^  Inq.  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  VI.  no. 

no.  30.  83  ;  14  Hen.  VI.  no.  30. 

*  D.C.M.  xxxvil.  7. 

io6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  had  issue  two  sons  and  four 
daughters  : — 

John,  his  heir. 

WiUiam,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  accounts  for  141 6. 
He  may  perhaps  be  identified  with  the  WilHam 
Luttrell  who  was  rector  of  Birch  Parva  in  Essex 
from  1 44 1  to  1443.  ^ 

Margaret.  In  July  1402,  a  marriage  was  arranged 
between  John  Cotes,  esquire,  and  Margaret  daugh- 
ter of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell.  The  former  undertook 
within  three  years  to  provide  land  to  the  yearly 
value  of  20/.,  to  be  settled  on  himself  and  his 
wife  and  the  heirs  of  their  bodies.  Sir  Hugh  on 
his  side  undertook  to  provide  100  marks  within 
six  months  of  such  settlement,  or  50  marks  if  his 
daughter  should  have  died  in  the  meanwhile.  He 
also  covenanted  to  supply  the  young  couple,  their 
two  servants  and  their  two  henchmen  (chivalersj, 
with  suitable  meat  and  drink  for  the  first  year  after 
the  marriage,  and  to  give  his  daughter  a  sum  of 
20/.  ^  pour  sa  chambre'^  The  accounts  for  141 6 
record  a  payment  for  "  the  expenses  of  divers  ser- 
vants of  my  lord  going  over  to  Warwyckshyre 
with  Margaret,  my  lord's  daughter,  by  appoint- 
ment of  my  lord,  281.  9^.  " 

Elizabeth.  In  March  1406,  an  arrangement  was 
made  that  William  Harleston,  esquire,  should  mar- 
ry Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  as 
soon  as  convenient  after  Easter.  Sir  Hugh  under- 
took to  enfeoff  them  of  all  his  lands  at  Debenham 
in  Suffolk,  with  remainder  to  the  heirs  of  their 
bodies,  and  ultimate  reversion  to  himself  and  his 
heirs.     William  Harleston  at  the  same  time  under- 

'  Newcourt's  Repcrtorium,  vol.  ii.  p.  *  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  44. 


CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  107 

took  to  enfeoff  his  intended  wife  of  lands  to  the 
yearly  value  of  40  marks,  and  to  enter  into  a  bond 
to  Sir  Hugh  for  125  marks,  repayable  in  case  of 
failure  of  issue.  ^  Easter  fell  on  the  19th  of  April 
in  1406.  The  following  entry  occurs  in  the  ac- 
counts of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  for  that  year. 

"  On  the  eve  of  St.  Mark  (24  April),  in  paid  for  the  expen- 
ses of  John  Bacwell  sent  by  order  of  my  lord  to  Brigewater 
for  John  Somer,  a  friar,  to  come  to  Dunsterre  (propter 
Johannem  Somer  fratrem  Dunsterre  veniendum)  because  of  the 
marriage  to  be  made  (faciendi)  between  a  daughter  of  my 
lord  and  William  Harleston,  2J.  "  ^ 

Bacwell  was  the  domestic  steward  at  Dunster  Castle. 
In  the  accounts  for  1423,  there  is  a  note  that  the 
expenses  were  greater  than  usual"  because  Elizabeth 
Harleston,  my  lord's  daughter,  was  in  the  aforesaid 
household  with  five  men  and  seven  horses  at  the 
costs  and  expenses  of  the  said  household  for  seven- 
teen weeks.  " 

After  the  death  of  her  husband,  this  lady  married 
John  Stratton,  esquire,  of  Norfolk,  by  whom  she 
left  a  daughter,  Elizabeth.  ^ 
Anne.  In  April  1408,  an  arrangement  was  made 
that  William  Godwyn  the  younger  should  marry 
Anne  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  about  Mid- 
summer. William  Godwyn  the  elder  undertook 
to  settle  upon  them  land  to  the  yearly  value  of 
20/.  subject  to  his  own  life  interest.  William 
Godwyn  the  younger  undertook  to  provide  a  like 
amount,  while  Sir  Hugh  undertook  to  pay  100 
marks  in  instalments.  *  The  name  of  WilHam 
Godwyn  occurs  frequently   in  the  manuscripts  at 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  6,  45,  47.  100;  cf.  Blomfield's  History  of  Norfolk^ 

*  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7.  vol.  viii.  p.  287. 

»  Inq.  post  mortem,  21  Edw.  IV.  no.  *  D.C.M.  xxxvii,  48. 

io8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

Dunster,  where  he  held  various  responsible  offices 
under  the  Luttrells. 
Joan.     There  are  three  notices  of  her  in  the  accounts 
of  the  receiver-general  of  her  brother,  Sir  John 
Luttrell  : — 

1428.  "  Paid  to  Robert  Draper,  by  the  hands  of  Thomas 
Kynggestone,  for  the  banquet  of  my  lady  Joan  Luttrell,  a 
nun  of  Shaftesbury,  on  the  27th  day  of  July,  by  order  of 
my  lord,  40J.  " 

"  To  the  same  lord,  on  the  30th  day  of  July,  when  the 
same  lord  rode  towards  Shaftesbury  to  the  banquet  of 
my  lady  Joan  Luttrell,  his  sister,  to  be  held  there,  io6j.  8<^.  " 

1430.  "Paid  to  Robert  Draper  for  the  expenses  of 
my  lady  Joan  Lutrell,  and  her  sister,  a  nun  of  Shaftes- 
bury, riding  thence  to  Dunster  and  there  on  the  19th 
day  of  July,  12s.  "^ 

The  nun  had  apparently  been  allow^ed  to  revisit  her 
old  home  in  order  to  see  her  brother  on  his  deathbed. 

John  Luttrell,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  Hugh,  was 
born  about  the  year  1394.*  He  was  presumably 
the  person  of  that  name  who  accompanied  Sir  Hugh 
to  Normandy  in  141 7.  During  the  next  few  years, 
however,  he  was  generally  in  West  Somerset,  living 
either  at  Dunster  or  at  Carhampton,  and  looking 
after  the  affairs  of  his  absent  father.  The  accounts 
for  the  year  ending  at  Michaelmas  1420  contain  the 
following  entries  : — 

"  Paid  of  the  reward  made  to  William  Franceys,  my  lord's 
esquire,  by  John,  my  lord's  son,  Thomas  Beaumont,  and 
others  of  my  lord's  council,  who  were  at  Dunster  on  the  2nd 
day  of  September,  and  were  thereon  my  lord's  business,  20J." 

"  In  the  expenses  of  John,  my  lord's  son,  Thomas  Beau- 
mont, Hugh  Gary,  and  others  of  my  lord's  council  who 
were  at  Dunster  in   the  month  of  August  on  my  lord's 

'  D.C.M.  I.  17.  '  Inq.  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  VI.  no.  23 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  109 

business,  9J.  ^^^.  In  the  expenses  of  the  horses  of  Thomas 
Beaumont  at  the  same  time,  2s.  ^d.  In  the  expenses  of  the 
horses  of  Hugh  Gary  at  the  same  time,  is.  <)d.  " 

There  are  frequent  mentions  of  John  Luttrell  in 
the  accounts  of  the  period,  and  several  of  them  show 
clearly  that  he  was  in  charge  of  the  building  opera- 
tions carried  on  at  Dunster  Castle  in  his  father's 

On  succeeding  to  the  inheritance  in  1428,  one  of 
his  first  duties  was  to  arrange  for  inquisitions  with 
regard  to  his  father's  lands  in  Somerset,  Dorset,  Devon, 
Wiltshire  and  Suffolk.  The  following  letter  to  him 
relates  to  this  business: — 

"  My  ryght  worshipfull  and  with  all  myne  herte  welbelovid 
cosyn,  y  recomaunde  me  to  yow,  beseching  yow  that  ye  woU 
be  remembrid  of  the  litell  money  that  I  dude  paie  by  the 
hondis  of  Robert  Colyngborne  whiche  ys  toward  me  in  your 
name,  as  for  the  speed  of  your  diem  clausit  extremum  in  the 
counte  of  Wiltes,  and  by  advys  of  your  cervaunt  whiche 
laborid  for  hit  in  your  name  at  that  tyme,  which  drawith  in 
all  to  the  summe  of  \\\]li.  ixj.  j<^.,  whiche  y  praie  yow  that 
ye  do  sende  me  in  as  hasty  tyme  as  ye  godely  may,  consider- 
yng  my  nede  ate  this  present  hoeure  that  I  have  for  my 
goyng  obir  see.  And  the  holy  Trinite  yow  evir  conserve  to 
his  plesaunce  and  your  ryght  greet  joye  and  confort, 

your  cosyne, 
John  Stourton,  knyzght. " 

The  accounts  for  that  year  record  payments. — 

"To  John  Stourton,  knight,  by  the  hands  of  Henry 
Helyer,  a  yeoman  {vadletti)  of  William  Wadham,  for  taking 
a  certain  inquisition  in  the  county  of  Wiltes  concerning  the 
death  of  Hugh  Lutrell,  knight,  as  by  letter  of  the  said  John 
Stourton  addressed  to  the  said  John  Lutrell,  4/.  95.  id.  And 
paid  to  Henry  Helyar  for  his  reward  because  of  his  pains, 
by  order  of  John  Lutrell,  lod.  "  ^ 

«  D.C.M.  I.  16. 

no  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  hi. 

"  To  John  Gregory,  escheator  of  our  lord  the  King  in  the 
county  of  Somerset,  on  the  loth  of  June,  for  the  assess- 
ed portion  of  the  lands  and  tenements  which  were  of  the 
said  Hugh  Lutrell  in  the  aforesaid  country,  12/.  "  ^ 

Altogether,  the  sheriff  of  Somerset  accounted  to 
the  Exchequer  for  34/.  i  3/.  ij^.  for  the  issues  of  the 
estate  for  sixty-one  days  from  the  death  of  Sir  Hugh 
Luttrell  until  the  assignment  of  dower  to  the  widow, 
and  for  6s.  3^.  for  the  issues  of  two  thirds  of  it  for 
one  further  day  before  the  delivery  to  the  heir,  by 
royal  order.  ^  John  Luttrell  had  also  to  pay  to  the 
Crown  44/.  8 J.  io|<^.  being  two  thirds  of  100  marks, 
by  way  of  relief  on  succession  to  two  thirds  of  a 
barony.  ^ 

The  following  payments  are  recorded  between 
April  and  September  1428  : — 

"  To  Thomas  Touker  of  Wayssford  for  a  barge  bought 
of  John  Foughler  of  Ireland  for  my  lord's  use,  as  for  a 
quarter  of  the  same  barge,  20/. 

"  To  John  Mathu  for  a  '  burthyn  '  and  a  half  of  salt  fish 
bought  of  him  for  John  of  Stourton  the  younger  and 
William  Carent,  by  order  of  my  lord,  16s.  To  John  Foughler 
of  Mynhede,  by  the  hands  of  the  vicar  of  Mynhede,  for 
wine  bought  for  my  lord's  household  at  Karampton  in  the 
previous  year,    by  order  of  my  lord,  66s.  8<^.  "  ^ 

John  Luttrell  had  apparently  been  living  at  Marsh- 
wood  in  the  parish  of  Carhampton  until  the  death  of 
his  father.  It  is  curious  to  note  that  throughout  the 
first  five  months  of  his  residence  at  Dunster  he  had 
guests  at  the  Castle  who  paid  for  their  respective 
commons  fpro  communibus  suisj.  Lady  Luttrell,  his 
mother,  paid  10/.  ^s.  2^d.  for  the  board  of  herself 
and  her    servants.     Sir  William   Palton,  a  wealthy 

>  D.C.M.  I.  16.  »  Memoranda  Roll. 

*  Escheators'  Enrolled  Accounts.  29,  *  D.C.M.  i.  16. 

m.  no. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  1 1 1 

landowner,  paid  1 7/.  i  gs.  /\.d.  for  the  board  of  himself 
and  his  household,  and  William  Cornu  only  5/.  4/. 
lod.  for  the  like.  None  of  these  paying  guests 
brought  any  children  with  them,  but  Palton  and 
Cornu  were  married  men  who  had  houses  elsewhere 
in  Somerset.  William  Cornu's  wife  had  survived 
two  husbands,  Sir  John  Malet,  eldest  son  of  Sir 
Baldwin  Malet  of  Enmore,  and  John  Luttrell  of 
Carhampton,  constable  of  Dunster  Castle,  who  had 
died  in  1 42 1  or  1422  \  She  was  usually  known 
by  the  name  of  Dame  Joan  Malet. 

The  following  payments  made  between  Michaelmas 
1429  and  Michaelmas  1430,  were  charged  against 
Sir  John  Luttrell  of  Dunster  : — 

"  To  Robert  Couke  for  buying  silk  at  London  for  my  lady 
Margaret  Luttrell  on  the    13th  day  of  February,  6j.  8^.  " 

"  To  Thomas  Merchaunt  for  buying  victuals  for  my 
lord's  barge,  by  order  of  my  lord,  10s.  " 

"  To  Thomas  Couke  for  the  provender  of  the  horses  of 
Walter  Portman  who  was  at  Dunster  three  times  to  confer 
with  my  lord  on  his  matter  between  him  and  the  Duchess 
of  York,  3J.  6 J^.  " 

"  To  the  aforesaid  Thomas  Couke  for  the  provender  of 
the  horses  of  my  lady  Elizabeth  Courtenay  who  was  at 
Dunsterre  for  a  day  and  a  night,  yj.  iid. 

"  In  four  hundred  *  bukhurnes  '  bought  at  Exeter  for 
the  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  at  i']d.  the  hundred,  5J. 
U.  " 

"  To  William  Whevere  of  Whachet  for  weaving  twenty- 
four  yards  of  cloth,  2J.  "  ^ 

'  Some  of  the  documents  at  Dunster  Joan  Crakeham,  relict  of  John  Crake- 
are  careful  to  distinguish  this  John  ham,  who  had  property  at  Northcote 
Luttrell  from  his  namesake  and  con-  in  the  parish  of  Inworthy,  co.  Devon, 
temporary  '  the  son  of  my  lord. '  (e.  g.  describes  herself,  in  1475,  as  daughter 
XVIII.  2.)  He  may  probably  be  ident-  and  heiress  of  John  Luttrell.  (D.C.M. 
ified  with  'John  Lutrell  son  of  Richard  xxxvii.  60.)  It  is,  however,  clear  that 
Lutrell  '  who  is  mentioned  in  1403  John  Luttrell  had  no  issue  by  this 
(D.C.M.  1.  14),  but  he  can  hardly  have  marriage  with  the  wealthy  Malet 
been  son  of  the  Richard  Luttrell  noticed  widow.  (D.C.M.  xvil.  i.) 
at  the  end  of  Chapter  H.     A  certain  '  D.C.M.  i.  17. 

112  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

The  following  payments  are  recorded  in  the  house- 
hold accounts  for  the  same  period  ; — 

"  In  6  pipes,  one  'hoggeshed,*  35  gallons  (Jagenis)  3  quarts, 
one  'pynt'  (of  white  and  red  wine)  bought  for  the  expenses 
of  the  said  household,  for  the  year,  1 5/.  "jd.  " 

"In  51 24  gallons  of  good  and  of  second  ale  bought.  .  . 
26/.  23  J^. " 

"  In  7  pounds  of  pepper  bought  for  the  expenses  of  the 
said  household  this  year,  75.  And  in  i  pound  2  ounces  of 
safiron  (croci)  bought  for  the  expensesof  the  said  household 
this  year,  los.  /\.d.  And  in  half  a  pound  *  saundres  '  bought 
for  the  store  (conserva)  %d.  And  in  30  pounds  of  almonds 
(amigdelarum)  bought  for  the  store,  7^.  dd.  And  in  28 
pounds  of*  ryse  '  bought  for  the  store,  3J.  %d.  and  in  28 
pounds  of  *  roysons  '  bought  for  the  store,  3J.  8^.  And  in 
2   pounds  of  wax  for    the   store,    \%d.     *  In  a  *  barell  *  of 

*  allec  '  bought,  beyond  one  ^barrell'  received  from  the  reeve 
of  Mynhed  coming  to  my  lord  from  *  wayfes  '  chattels 
there,  this  year,  9J.  lod.  And  in  100  red  *  allec  '  bought 
for  the  expenses  of  the  said  household  this  year,  i  %d.  And 
in  a  cask  (cade)  of  *  sprottes  '  bought  for  the  store  this  year, 
IS.  \d.  .  .  And  in  70  *  hakys,  *  with  the  carriage  of  the 
same,  9J.  %d.  And  in  72  *  stok  fyssh  '  bought  for  the  store, 
with  the  carriage  of  the  same,  this  year,  lis.  \d.  And  in  678 

*  myUewell '  and  *  lenges  *  bought  for  the  store  by  my  lord's 
order  at  Mynhed  this  year,  8/.  9J.  6^.  And  in  c^i  *  congres  ' 
sea-salted  (mersaultz)  bought  for  the  store  beyond  twenty 
that  remained  over,  i  8j.  %d.  And  in  a  *  barell '  of  *  stor- 
geon  '  bought  for  the  store  this  year,  8j.  6d.  And  in  3 
gallons  of  oil  bought  for  the  expenses  of  the  said  household 
this  year,  ^s.  "  ^ 

John  Luttrell  describes  himself  as  '  esquire '  in 
June  1429,  and  as  *  knight '  in  March  following.' 
He  survived  his  father  by  a  little  more  than  two 
years  and  died  on  the  30th  of  June  1430.  ^  It  would 
appear  that  he  was  buried  at  the  Augustinian  Priory 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  II.  Deeds  and  Evidences,  box  2. 

*  Court    of    Wards    and     Liveries,  '  Inq.  postmorteni,9.  Hen.VI.  no.  51. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  113 

of  Bruton,  of  which  he  was  the  patron.  There  are 
certainly  no  traces  of  any  monument  to  his  memory 
at  Dunster. 

In  the  accounts  for  1430,  a  payment  is  recorded: — 

"To  divers  men  for  divers  necessaries  and  the  chapel 
(capeir)  on  the  day  of  the  burial  of  John  Luttrell,  esquire, 
12S.  2j^." 

In  the  accounts  for  the  following  year,  there  are 
further  payments  : — 

"  To  Robert  Drapere  for  divers  expenses  incurred  for  the 
anniversary  of  Sir  John  Luttrell,  knight,  by  order  of  my 
lady,  at  Bruton,  as  in  wax  and  other  things  bought  for  the 
same,  as  appears  by  a  bill  exhibited  before  my  lady  Margaret 
Lutrell  on  the  6th  day  of  September  in  the  eighth  (rectius 
ninth)  year,  145.  iid.  And  paid  for  divers  expenses  made 
with  regard  to  holding  the  anniversary  of  Sir  John  Lutrell, 
knight,  at  Bruton,  on  the  6th  day  of  August  in  the  ninth 
year  of  King  Henry  the  Sixth,  as  appears  by  a  bill  exhibited 
at  the  audit  of  this  account  and  attached  to  this  account, 

The  details  are  as  follows  : — 

"  Bruton.  Expenses  incurred  there  by'Robert  Draper  for 
holding  the  anniversary  of  Sir  John  Luttrell,  knight,  there 
on  the  6th  day  of  August  in  the  ninth  year  of  King  Henry 
the  Sixth. " 

"  In  primis  in  six  pounds  of  wax  bought  for  making  thereof 
five  round  candles  (cereis)^  at  5^.  a  pound,  is.  6d.  In  wicks 
(lichinis)  bought  for  the  same,  id.  In  making  of  the  same, 
id.  In  four  pounds  of  wax  bought,  as  in  four  '  torchis ' 
hired  from  the  sacristan  of  the  church  there,  paying  5^.  a 
pound,  2od.  In  a  gift  to  four  poor  men  for  holding  the 
said  *torchis'  at  the  obsequies  and  at  the  mass,  to  each  of 
them  4^.,  idd.  In  a  gift  to  the  beadsman  (oratori)  for 
proclaiming  the  anniversary  in  the  town,  id.  In  offerings, 
2d.  In  bread  bought  as  well  for  the  Prior  and  the  Convent 
as  for  others  who  came  to  the  obsequies,  1 5^.  In  fourteen 
gallons  (lagenis)  of  good  ale  bought  for  the  same,  is.  ^d. 

114  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

In  one  gallon  of  ale  bought  for  the  Prior  there,  ^d.  In 
the  distribution  made  to  the  Prior  and  Convent  there,  that 
is  to  say  to  the  Prior,  ^od.  and  to  the  fifteen  canons,  iid. 
to  each,  15J.  Item,  to  two  secular  priests,  iid.  Item,  to 
two  clerks,  ^d.  Item,  to  six  poor  folk,  3<3'.  Item,  for  ringing 
the  knell  (pro  classico  puhando)^  ^d.  Item,  paid  to  Thomas 
Sartrye,  late  sacristan  of  the  Priory  of  Bruton,  for  five 
pounds  of  wax  bought  of  him,  with  the  making,  on  the 
day  of  my  lord's  anniversary,  at  6d.  the  pound,  2i.  6d. 
Sum  total  3 3 J.  3^.  "  ^ 

Sir  John  Luttrell  married,  in  or  before  1422,  Mar- 
garet daughter  of  Sir  John  Tuchet,  Lord  Tuchet  or 
Audley,  the  owner  of  Nether  Stowey  Castle.  ^  By  her 
he  had  issue  two  sons  : — 

John,  who  predeceased  him.' 

James,  his    successor,    an    infant   at    the   time  of  his 

After  the  death  of  Sir  John  Luttrell,  Margaret  the 
widow  had  dower  assigned  to  her  by  the  escheator 
of  Somerset  and  Dorset. 

The  following  entries  occur  in  her  accounts : — 

"  Paid  to  Walter  Paunsefote,  escheator  of  our  lord  the 
King,  by  the  hands  of  Walter  Portman,  being  here  for 
assignment  of  dower  to  my  lady  Margaret  Luttrell,  to- 
gether with  a  reward  made  to  W.  Bouchell  his  clerk,  by 
my  lady's  order,  5 35.  ^d.  And  in  the  expenses  of  the  said 
escheator  of  our  lord  the  King,  of  Walter  Portman,  of 
William  Cloutesham,  and  others  of  my  lady's  council, 
together  with  the  expenses  of  twelve  jurors  who  were  at  the 
same  place  for  the  assignment  of  dower,  together  with  the 
expenses  of  the  said  escheator  by  the  way  in  going  and 
returning,  with  a  reward  made  to  the  said  escheator's  ser- 
vant, 1 7 J.  lO^d.  " 

'  D.C.M.  I.  17.  born  before  1398,  he  cannot  have  been 

*  D.C.M.  XXIV.  6.  Settlement  of  the  her  father, 
manor  of  Kilton.     In  some  pedigrees,  '  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  i42q-i  436 

she  is  called  daughter  of  James,  Lord  p.  86. 
Audley,  but  as  this  nobleman  was  not 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  115 

A  third  of  the  Luttrell  estates  having  been  recent- 
ly assigned  to  Dame  Catherine,  reUct  of  Sir  Hugh, 
Dame  Margaret  obtained  a  third  of  the  remaining 
two  thirds.  Although  it  has  been  generally  held 
that  a  widow  could  not  have  dower  in  the  caputs  or 
head-place,  of  a  barony,  it  is  certain  that  this  Lady 
Luttrell  received  in  this  respect  a  third  of  Dunster 
Castle,  comprising  the  new  gatehouse,  the  older  gate- 
way adjoining,  and  land  on  the  Castle  Tor.^  She  does 
not,  however,  appear  to  have  lived  there.  When 
she  came  thither  in  the  first  year  of  her  widowhood, 
it  was  to  take  part  in  an  archery  match  with  some 
of  the  neighbours.  The  following  entry  occurs  in  the 
accounts  for  the  year  ending  in  September  1431  : — 

"  In  the  expenses  of  my  lady  Margaret  Lutrell  and  others 
coming  with  her  on  Sunday  the  first  day  of  July,  who  were 
at  Dunsterre  to  shoot  (ad  sagittandum)  with  Thomas  Bratton 
and  others,  15.  ^d.  " 

The  same  account  contains  also  the  following 
entries  : — 

"In  five  yards  of 'fustyan'  bought  in  the  market-place  (foro) 
of  Dunsterre  for  a  double  gown  of  my  lady,  2s.  i\d.  And  in  a 
quarter  of  a  yard  of 'tarterys'  bought  for  the  said  gown,  10^." 

"  In  two  yards  of  linen  cloth  called  '  Braban  '  bought  for 
James,  my  lady's  son,  i^d.  And  in  a  yard  and  a  half  of 
russet  cloth  bought  of  William  Stone  for  the  said  James,  9<^." 

"  Paid  to  Joan  Noryce,  my  lady's  nurse,  for  her  wages  in 
arrear,  by  the  hands  of  William  Percare,  chaplain,  of  Wales, 
and  William  Warderoppe,  6s.  %d.  In  six  '  douseynys '  of 
white  cloth  bought  for  the  livery  of  my  lady  at  divers  prices 
this  year,  375.  In  ten  '  douseynys  '  of  white  cloth  woven  for 
the  said  livery,  this  year,  of  Robert  Northam,  55.  In  fulling 
the  said  ten  *  douseyns,'  paying  \d.  *  per  doseyne,'  3J.  4^. 
In  dyeing  all  the  aforesaid  cloth,  together  with  a  piece 
containing  twenty  yards,  to  a  black  colour,  by  John  Dyer, 
by   the   view  of  William   Warderoppe,    paying    i  id.  *  per 

•  Inq.  postmortem, 9  Hen.  51. 

ii6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

doseyne,'  i  yj.  6d.  And  paid  to  Thomas  Touker  of  Clyve 
for  shearing  all  the  aforesaid  cloth,  4J.  And  paid  to  John 
Dyer  for  dyeing  a  bed-cover,  *  tapytes,  curteynes,  costerys, 
bankerys '  and  *  guysshenys '  {i.e.  cushions)  both  for  my  lady's 
hall  and  for  the  chamber  and  the  chapel  at  Karampton,  yj."  ^ 

The  accounts  of  the  reeve  of  Carhampton  Barton 
for  this  year  show^  the  distribution  of  the  rabbits 
taken  at  the  warren  by  the  parker  of  Dunster  Hanger. 
Some  were  given  by  order  of  Lady  Luttrell  to  Lady 
Elizabeth  Harington,  to  Dame  Joan  Malet,  to  Thomas 
Copleston,  and  to  Thomas  Bratton  already  mentioned.^ 

The  following  payments  are  recorded  between 
September  1431  and  March  1432  :  — 

"  In  the  expenses  of  William  Bonvyle,  knight,  Edward 
Seynt  Jon,  Thomas  Bratton,  John  Lauerance,  Walter 
Portman,  and  part  of  the  household  of  my  lady  Margaret 
Lutrell,  who  were  at  Taunton  with  thirty-six  horses,  from 
Monday  the  loth  day  of  December  until  the  Wednesday 
next  following  after  dinner,  for  a  certain  love-day  (die 
amoris)  between  my  lady  Catherine  Lutrell  of  the  one  part 
and  my  lady  Margaret  Lutrell  of  the  other  part,  together  with 
rewards  made  to  the  cook  of  the  aforesaid  William  Bonvyle, 
knight,  and  other  servants  who  were  then  there,  4/.  i  ^d.  " 

"  And  paid  to  John  Lauerance  who  was  at  Taunton  for 
the  aforesaid  day,  of  the  council  of  my  said  lady  Margaret 
Luttrell,  by  assent  of  Walter  Portman  one  of  the  council  of 
my  said  lady  Margaret,  135.  /\.d.  " 

"  And  in  the  expenses  of  Robert  Ryvers  sent  to  London 
by  my  lady  Margaret  Luttrell,  to  confer  both  with  the 
Bishop  of  Bath  and  Walter  Portman  about  the  said  love 
day  and  about  the  payment  there  of  the  farm  of  Dunsterre 
in  part,  to  wit  that  of  the  month  of  November,  and  to  do 
other  business  there  of  my  lady,  in  going  and  staying  there 
and  returning,  for  three  weeks  and  four  days,  33J.  lod.  " 

"  To  William  Wardropere,  by  order  of  my  lady,  to 
distribute  to  priests  for  the  soul  of  John  Lutrell,  knight,  on 
the  1 7th  day  of  January,  2d.  " 

'  D.C.M.  I.  17.  »  D.C.M.  xvin.  3. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  117 

In  three  months  between  Michaelmas  and  Christ- 
mas, the  steward  of  the  household  at  Carhampton,  that 
is  to  say  at  Marshwood,  bought  246  gallons  of  good 
ale  from  divers  tenants  at  Dunster  at  the  rate  of  ij^. 
per  gallon  and  619  gallons  of  second  ale  at  id.  The 
consumption  of  pigeons  was  also  considerable,  the 
number  in  one  year  being  632,  of  which  124  came  from 
the  dovecot  in  the  '  barnecourt '  at  Dunster,  504  were 
bought  from  the  reeve  of  East  Quantockshead,  and  4 
were  presented.  The  reeve  of  Woolavington  was  given 
4^/.  as  a  reward  for  the  capture  of  a  stray  swan,  and 
was  paid  los.  Sd.  for  great  and  small  eels  supplied  by 
him  in  the  lifetime  of  Sir  John  Luttrell. 

Dame  Margaret  Luttrell's  expenses  were  at  one 
time  larger  than  her  income,  and  she  had  difficulty  in 
coming  to  a  settlement  with  her  receiver-general, 
Robert  Ryvers.  In  his  account  for  the  six  months 
ending  in  March  1432,  he  credited  the  following  to 
her  : — 

"  The  same  Robert  has  received  of  the  same  Margaret, 
as  in  silver  vases  bought  of  her,  20/.  And  the  same  has 
received  of  her,  as  in  silver  cups  (ciphis)  bought  of  the  same 
Margaret,  7/.  55.  And  the  same  Robert  has  received  of 
the  same  Margaret,  as  in  a  silver  pot  (olla)  bought  of  her, 
5 8 J.  (^d.  And  the  same  Robert  has  received  of  the  same 
Margaret,  as  in  a  white  bed  of  half  *  worstede  '  with  other 
clothes  (vestibus)  bought  of  her  and  received  in  part  payment 
of  his  aforesaid  excess,  33J.  4^. 

Even  after  this,  she  owed  him  more  than  90/.  ' 
Shortly  before  the  close  of  the  account,  she  had 
married  a  second  husband  named  Robert  Coker, 
without  obtaining  the  royal  licence  which  was  then 
necessary  for  the  widow  of  a  tenant  in  chief.  The 
marriage  of  course  remained  valid,   but  a  pardon  to 

'  D.C.M.  I.  17  ;  XXXVII.  12. 

ii8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

the  offending  parties  was  only  given  on  payment  to 
the  Crown  of  the  then  very  considerable  fine  of  40/.  ^ 
According  to  the  common  practice  of  the  time,  Lady 
Luttrell  retained  the  surname  and  rank  of  her  first 
husband.  She  died  on  the  ist  of  June  1438/  After 
her  death,  Robert  Coker  was  charged  with  having 
committed  waste  in  two  thirds  of  the  Castle  of 
Dunster  and  in  the  manor  of  Carhampton.  ^ 

James  Luttrell,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  John  Lut- 
trell, was  three  or  four  years  of  age  at  the  time  of 
his  father's  death  in  July  1430,  and  accordingly 
became  a  ward  of  the  Crown.  Within  a  few  months, 
however,  the  keeping  of  two  thirds  of  Sir  John's 
lands  was  committed  to  John  Stafford,  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells,  a  close  friend  of  the  Luttrell  family, 
Sir  Humphrey  Stafford,  his  brother,  and  Sir  Philip 
Courtenay,  a  cousin  of  the  heir.  * 

The  following  payment  is  recorded  in  1431  : — 

"  In  the  expenses  of  my  lady  Margaret  Luttrell  riding 
with  eight  horses  to  Hoke  (in  Dorset)  to  confer  with 
Humphrey  Stafford,  in  going  and  returning,  for  four  days, 
1 2 J.  io|-<^. " 

In  July  1433,  ^^^  ^i'^g  s*^^^  to  Humphrey,  Earl  of 
Stafford  for  400  marks,  the  right  of  tendering  in 
marriage  to  James  Luttrell  a  lady  of  suitable  rank.  ^ 
There  is  reason,  however,  to  believe  that  the  Earl 
shortly  made  over  this  right  to  Courtenay.  At  any 
rate  it  is  certain  that  Courtenay  aimed  at  concentrat- 
ing in  his  own  hands  the  divided  estates  of  the 
Luttrells.      At   various  dates  in   the  years  1437   and 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1 42g-i  436,  p  .574. 

p.  188.  *  Escheators'  Enrolled  Accounts,  31. 

*  Inq.  post  mortem.  17  Hen.  VI.  no.  m.  59. 

14.  The  original  draft  of  this  document  •'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  I42g-i4j6, 

has  been  preserved;  D.C.M.  i.  20.  p.  224. 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1436-1441, 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  119 

1439,  he  obtained  a  demise  of  the  manor  of  Minehead 
at  a  yearly  rent  of  100  marks,  afterwards  reduced  by 
40/,  a  fresh  demise  of  two  thirds  of  Sir  John  Luttrell's 
lands  at  a  yearly  rent  of  100/,  and  a  demise  of  the 
lands  lately  held  by  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell,  at  a 
yearly  rent  fixed  by  the  Lord  Treasurer  at  83/.  He 
also  occurs  as  the  chief  feoffee  of  the  advowson  of 
the  church  of  East  Quantockshead.  In  1445,  he 
applied  for  an  abatement  of  his  rent,  on  the  score 
that,  although  James  Luttrell  had  been  his  ward  for 
a  long  time,  and  the  royal  grants  had  been  made  for 
his  own  advantage,  he  was  deriving  nothing  from 
them,  the  actual  yearly  value  of  the  estates  being  no 
more  than  the  183/.  for  which  he  was  liable.  His 
rent  was  accordingly  reduced  by  40  marks.  ^ 

In  July  1447,  at  the  request  of  John  Stafford,  now 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  Humphrey  Stafford, 
now  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  King  promised  that 
James  Luttrell  should  receive  possession  of  his  estates 
at  Michaelmas  without  proving  that  he  was  of  full 
age  or  formally  suing  out  livery  of  them.  ^  In  Febru- 
ary 1449,  James  Luttrell  obtained  royal  licence  to 
convey  the  castle  and  borough  of  Dunster,  the  manors 
of  Minehead,  Carhampton,  and  Kilton  and  the  hun- 
dred of  Carhampton  to  feoffees,  in  order  that  they 
should  be  settled  on  himself  and  the  heirs  of  his 
body,  with  remainder  to  his  '  cousin, '  Richard  Lut- 
trell and  the  heirs  of  his  body  and  ultimate  remainder 
to  his  own  heirs  general.  ^  A  settlement  to  this 
effect  was  shortly  made.  *  East  Quantockshead  and 
other  property  of  James  Luttrell  stood  on  a  differ- 

i  D.C.M.  I.  19;   Calendar  of  Patent  m.20  ;  27  Hen.  VI.  part  3,  m.  i. 

Rolls,  1436-1441,  p.  241  ;  1441-1446,  p.  '  Ibid.  ;  D.C.M.  i.  24. 

336  ;  27  Hen.  VI.  part  3.  m.  1;.  Wea-  *  D.C.M.  i.  23.  Some  erasures  and 

vtv'?,  Somerset  Incumbents,  p.  423.  interlineations  on  this  document  occur 

*  Patent  Rolls,  25  Hen.  VI.  part.  2.  also  on  the  original  letters  patent. 

I20  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

ent  footing,   not  being  held  of  the  king  in  chief. 

In  1450,  the  Bishop  at  Exeter  issued  a  licence  for 
a  marriage  to  be  celebrated  in  the  private  chapel  of 
Powderham  Castle  between  James  Luttrell  and  Eliz- 
abeth daughter  of  Sir  Philip  Courtenay,  his  late  guard- 
ian. ^  A  large  part  of  the  Luttrell  estate  was  settled 
on  her  in  jointure,  some  two  years  later.  ^ 

On  the  death  of  Richard  Luttrell  without  lawful 
issue,  James  Luttrell  obtained  some  land  at  Kentsford 
near  Watchet,  as  an  escheat  to  the  Honour  of  Dunster, 
Richard  having  been  a  bastard,  and  also  certain 
other  lands  at  Iveton  and  elsewhere,  which  had  been 
settled  on  him  in  tail  with  remainder  to  the  head  of 
the  family. '  He  got  into  controversy,  however, 
about  the  executorship,  or  administration,  with  Alex- 
ander Hody,  who  was  one  of  his  own  feoffees.  All 
that  we  know  about  the  matter  is  derived  from  a  bill 
of  complaint  by  Hody's  wife.  She  therein  states 
that  James  Luttrell  sent  a  man  to  her  to  ask  where 
her  husband  was  to  be  found,  and  that  she,  suspecting 
no  deceit,  told  him  where  he  would  be  for  the  next 
three  days,  and  that  James  Luttrell  then  took  one  of 
Hody's  servants  "  and  putte  hym  in  his  castell  of 
Dunster  by  the  space  of  a  nyghte,  so  that  the  seyd 
servaunt  shuld  not  make  knowliche  to  the  seyd 
Alisaunder  of  the  unfeythfull  disposission  of  the  seyd 
Jamys.  "     The  story  proceeds  : — 

"In  the  mornyng  thereapon,  the  seyd  Jamys  with  the 
nombir  of  xxxv  persones  and  moo,  with  bowys  beyng 
bente  and  arowys  in  ther  hondys  by  hym  unlawfully  gaderyd, 
wente  to  the  house  of  Thomas  Bratton,  squyer,  fadir  in 
lawe  to  the  seyd  Alisaunder,  where  and  atte  which  tyme  she 

'  Register  of  Bishop  Lacy  quoted  in  '  Inq.  post  mortem,   i  Edward  IV. 

Oliver's  Ecclesiastical   Antiquities    in       no.  43. 
Devon,  vol.  i.  p.  28.  '  Ibid. 




CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  121 

saide  her  husbonde  would  be,  and  there  sowght  hym,  pur- 
posyng  to  have  murderyd  and  sleyne  the  seyd  Alisaunder. 

"  Item,  the  seyd  Jamys  and  his  servaunts  to  the  nombir 
of  xxiiij*®  persones,  arrayyd  with  dobelettes  of  defence, 
palettes,  bowys,  arrowys,  gleyvys,  and  speris  [went]  to 
Ca.  .  .  .  ,  and  ther  John  Toker,  servaunt  to  the 
seyd  Alisaunder,  bete  and  woundyd,  so  that  the  seyd  John 
was  in  dispeyre  of  his  lyfe. 

"  Item,  the  seyd  Jamys  with  his  servaunts  and  othir  to 
the  nombir  of  xliiij**  persones  and  moo,  of  grete  malice 
forthought  purposyng  to  murdyr  and  slee  the  seyd  Alis- 
aunder, entryd  the  castell  of  Taunton  and  ther  the  consta- 
billarye  of  the  same,  and  all  the  dorys  ther  brake  and  entrid, 
serching  after  the  seyd  Alisaunder,  and  vij  sponys  of  silver 
of  the  seyd  Alisaunder  and  v  ivery  komys  and  other  godis 
of  the  seyd  Alisaunder  toke  and  bare  aweye,  and  apon 
the  wyfe  of  the  seyd  Alisaunder  asaute  made,  bete,  and 
with  here  daggers  manassyd  to  slee,  and  so  would  have 
do  ner,  by  grace  of  God,  one  of  ther  felishipp  lette  hit,  and 
Water  Peyntore,  servaunt  to  the  seyd  Alisaunder,  cowardly 
nye  to  the  dethe  smote,  and  apon  Sir  Robert,  preste  to  the 
seyd  Alisaunder,  asaute  made  and  hym  by  the  here  to  the 
grounde  pluckyd,  betyng  hym  with  the  pomeUis  of  ther 
swerdis. " 

"  Item,  the  seyd  Alisaunder  askyth  of  the  seyd  Jamys 
a  c.  marke  in  money  of  the  dette  of  Richard  Luttrell,  whos 
administrator  of  godis  and  catall  the  seyd  Jamys  ys. " 

"  Item  he  askyth  of  the  seyd  Jamys  xvijs.  and  vj^.  remeyn- 
yng  unpayyd  for  pottes  of  silver  and  gilte,  for  a  gretter 
summe  of  moneye  by  the  seyd  Alisaunder  to  him  sold.  "  ^ 

It  is  perhaps  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  some 
of  the  foregoing  allegations,  such  as  those  about  the 
bows  and  the  deadly  peril  of  John  Toker,  were  purely 
fictitious,  introduced  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the 
controversy  within  the  cognisance  of  a  court  which 
otherwise  would  have  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
matter.  Some   compromise  seems  to  have  been  made 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  16. 

122  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

in  February  1458,  when  Alexander  Hody  gave  a 
general  release  from  all  personal  actions  to  James 
Luttrell,  Simon  Milbourn  and  John  Loty,  jointly  and 
severally.  ^ 

The  dispute  betvvreen  Luttrell  and  Hody  was  per- 
sonal and  non-political,  for  they  were  both  ardent 
supporters  of  the  House  of  Lancaster.  James  Lut- 
trell fought  against  the  Duke  of  York  at  Wakefield 
at  the  end  of  December  1460,  and  was  knighted 
by  the  Duke  of  Somerset  on  the  field  of  battle.  ^ 
Seven  weeks  later,  he  again  served  under  the  victor- 
ious banner  of  Queen  Margaret  at  the  second  battle 
of  St.  Albans,  but  he  there  received  a  wound  ot 
which  he  died  on  the  fifth  day.  ^     He  left   issue  : — 

Alexander,  who  died  before  1481. 
Hugh,  his  eventual  heir. 
Jane,  who  married  George  Stewkley.  ^ 
A  daughter  or  daughters  unnamed. 

Very  shortly  before  his  death,  James  Luttrell  char- 
ged some  of  his  lands  in  Sufiblk  and  Devonshire,  and 
others  which  he  had  acquired  in  Somerset,  with  a 
payment  of  50/.  a  year  to  John  Loty,  upon  trust  that 
the  money  should  accumulate  in  a  chest  to  be  sealed 
by  him  and  Elizabeth  Luttrell,  in  order  to  provide 
marriage  portions  for  the  younger  children.  ^ 

The  triumph  of  the  House  of  York  was  disastrous 
to  the  Luttrells,  who  had  been  attached  to  the  House 
of  Lancaster  ever  since  the  days  of  John  of  Gaunt. 
Within  a  week  of  his  accession  to  the  throne,  Edward 
the  Fourth   ordered  the  sheriff  and  the  escheator  in 

'  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  59.  I  Edw.  IV.  no.  43. 

«   Shaw's  Knights  of  England,  vol.  ii.  *  Visitations  of  Somerset  (ed.   Wea- 

p.  12.  ver),  p,  43. 

*  Wars    of  the  English    in  France.  ^  Inq.  post  mortem,  I  Edw.  IV.  no 

(R.  S.),  vol.  ii.  p.  776  ;  Inq.  post  mortem,  43  ;  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  15. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  123 

Somerset  and  Dorset  to  seize  all  the  possessions  of 
the  Dukes  of  Exeter  and  Somerset,  the  Earls  of 
Devon,  Wilts  and  Northumberland,  Sir  James  Lut- 
trell  and  Sir  Alexander  Hody,  in  those  counties.  ^ 
Two  months  later,  a  somewhat  wider  commission 
was  issued  to  Sir  William  Herbert,  Thomas  Herbert, 
John  Herbert  and  Hugh  Huntley,  to  take  possession 
of  the  lands  of  the  Earls  of  Pembroke  and  Shrews- 
bury and  Sir  James  Luttrell,  who  are  specifically 
described  as  rebels.  ^  For  some  unknown  reason, 
this  commission  was  repeated  in  August. '  In  the 
meanwhile,  the  king  had  granted  to  Sir  William 
Bourchier  the  wardship  and  marriage  of  Alexander 
Luttrell,  the  infant  heir,  as  if  it  had  fallen  to  the 
Crown  in  the  ordinary  course. ''  The  Parliament, 
however,  which  sat  in  November  1461  passed  a 
sweeping  ordinance  against  all  the  chief  supporters 
of  Henry  the  Sixth.  Sir  James  Luttrell  was  therein 
named  amongst  those  who  "  with  grete  despite  and 
cruell  violence,  horrible  and  unmanly  tyrannye 
murdered  the  late  Duke  of  York  at  Wakefield,  and 
who  were  consequently  to  "  stand  and  be  convycted 
and  attainted  of  high  treason,  and  forfett  to  the  King 
and  his  heires  all  the  castles,  maners  "  and  other  lands 
of  which  they  were  or  had  been  possessed.  ^  Lady 
Luttrell  had,  in  the  earlier  months  of  her  widow- 
hood, been  tacitly  allowed  to  receive  the  issues  of  the 
lands  settled  on  her  in  jointure,  ^  and  when  the  king's 
officers  took  possession  of  these  lands,  she  lodged  a 
complaint  against  them,  protesting  that  she  was  a 
loyal  subject  of  the  reigning  monarch.     A  commission 

»  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls  1 461-1467,  <  Ibid.  p.  19. 

p,  32.  *  Roinli    Parliamentoriim,  vo\.v.  pp. 

'  3  Ibid.  p.  30.  477,  479- 

»  Ibid.  p.  99.  ®  D.C.M.  I.  27. 

124  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

of  enquiry  was  accordingly  issued  in  September  1462, 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  she  got  much  satisfaction.  ^ 

In  June  1463,  the  King  granted  to  Sir  WiUiam 
Herbert,  Baron  Herbert,  and  the  heirs  of  his  body, 
the  honour,  castle,  manor  and  borough  of  Dunster, 
the  manors  of  Minehead  and  Carhampton,  the  hun- 
dred of  Carhampton,  the  manors  of  Kilton,  East 
Quantockshead,  and  Iveton,  and  lands  at  Kentsford, 
Watchet,  Exton,  Vexford,  Rixen,  Stogumber,  Wib- 
well,  Huish  by  Highbridge,  and  Cothelston,  in 
Somersetshire,  the  manors  of  Chilton  and  Blancombe 
in  Devonshire,  the  manors  of  Stonehall  and  Woodhall, 
in  Suffolk,  and  all  other  lands  and  profits  to  which 
Sir  James  Luttrell  had  been  entitled  in  possession  or 
in  reversion.  The  fortunate  grantee  was  to  receive 
all  the  issues  as  from  the  ist  of  March  1461,  that  is 
to  say  the  third  day  before  the  accession  of  the  king.  ^ 
This  grant  was  renewed  and  enlarged  in  March  1465, 
when  some  lands  at  Little  Carhampton  and  Radlet 
were  mentioned  by  name,  and  the  date  was  set  back 
to  the  30th  of  December  1460,  as  named  in  the 
retrospective  attainder  of  Sir  James  Luttrell.  ^ 

Honours  and  offices  of  profit  were  showered  upon 
the  new  owner  of  Dunster.  In  September  1466,  a 
marriage  was  made,  or  arranged,  at  Windsor  between 
his  eldest  son  William,  who  was  only  five  and  a  half 
years  of  age,  and  Mary  Woodville,  sister  of  the  Queen 
of  Edward  the  Fourth.  William  of  Worcester  relates 
that,  on  that  occasion,  the  king  not  only  dubbed  the 
boy  a  knight  but  also  created  him  '  Lord  of  Dunster,' 
to  the  secret  displeasure  of  the  great  Earl  of  Warwick, 
and  other  magnates.  *     There  is,  indeed,  no  official 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1461-146'/,  *  Ibid.  p.  366. 

p.  231.  *  Wars  of  the  English  in  France,  vol, 

»  Ibid.  p.  286.  ii.  p.  786. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  125 

record  of  any  such  creation,  but  it  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  the  younger  WilHam  Herbert  is  styled 
'  Lord  of  Dunster '  in  some  royal  letters  patent  issued 
during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  ^  Lord  Herbert, 
the  father,  was,  in  September  1468,  advanced  to  the 
dignity  of  Earl  of  Pembroke.  In  the  July  following, 
he  was  defeated  and  captured  in  a  skirmish  at  Edgcote 
near  Banbury.  The  Lancastrians,  against  whom  he 
had  been  so  active  in  previous  years,  took  him  to 
Northampton  and  there  beheaded  him,  with  his 
brother.  Sir  Richard  Herbert.  ^  The  inquisitions 
taken  after  his  death  make  no  mention  of  lands  in 
Somerset,  Devon,  or  Suffolk,  although  it  is  stated 
elsewhere  that  he  died  seised  of  the  forfeited  inherit- 
ance of  the  Luttrells.  ^  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  that  either  of  the  Earls  of  Pem- 
broke ever  lived  at  Dunster  Castle.  Their  main  pos- 
sessions lay  on  the  north  side  of  the  Bristol  Channel. 
William  Herbert,  son  and  heir  of  the  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, being  still  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
execution,  became  a  ward  of  the  Crown.  When  the 
care  of  his  lands  was  entrusted  to  his  mother,  in 
recompense  of  her  dower,  the  property  of  the  late  Sir 
James  Luttrell  in  Somerset  and  Devon  was  specifically 
excepted.  The  King,  moreover,  appointed  PhiHp 
Beaumont,  esquire,  to  be  constable  of  Dunster  Castle 
and  steward  of  all  the  lordships  and  lands  that  went 
with  it.*  So  again,  in  1472,  the  King  appointed  a 
certain  John  Gogh  to  be  bailiff  of  Dunster  and  keeper 
o  Marshwood  Park.  ^  Earher  in  the  same  year, 
he  had  committed  to  his  brother  George,  Duke  of 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  1467-1477,  no.  21  ;  15  Edw.  IV.  no.  57. 

p.  132.  ■•  Calendar  of  PatcntRolls,  1467-1477, 

*  Chronicles  of  the  White  Rose,  pp.  24.  pp.  174,  204. 

III.  *  Ibid.  p.  344. 

^  Inq.  post  mortem,  9  &  10  Edw.  IV. 

126  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

Clarence,  Peter  Courtenay,  the  king's  secretary,  Sir 
William  Courtenay,  Sir  Philip  Courtenay,  and  Sir 
Thomas  Fulford,  knights,  and  John  Courtenay,  esquire, 
the  keeping  of  the  manors  of  Minehead,  Kilton, 
Iveton  and  East  Quantockshead,  with  the  advowson 
of  this  last,  and  lands  at  Exton,  Vexford,  Rixen  and 
Stogumber,  during  the  minority  of  the  young  Earl 
of  Pembroke,  free  from  rent.  ^  The  object  of  this 
grant  is  not  stated  in  the  letters  patent,  but  it  becomes 
tolerably  clear  when  we  find  that  the  four  Courtenays 
named  in  them  were  the  brothers  of  Lady  Luttrell, 
and  that  Sir  Thomas  Fulford  was  her  brother-in-law. 
Furthermore,  the  manors  and  lands  so  granted  were 
precisely  those  which  she  would  have  had  in  jointure 
if  her  husband  had  not  been  attainted.  Lastly,  she 
is  mentioned  elsewhere  as  the  farmer  of  the  manor 
of  Minehead  during  the  minority  of  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke.  ^  We  may  perhaps  ascribe  her  success  in 
this  matter  to  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Duke  of 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  the  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke's mother  obtained  a  grant  of  the  keeping  of 
the  honour,  castle,  manor  and  lordship  of  Dunster, 
and  of  other  possessions  of  the  late  Sir  James  Luttrell, 
except  those  mentioned  above,  at  a  yearly  rent  of 
90/.  ^  As  the  young  Earl  advanced  in  years,  the 
prospects  of  Lady  Luttrell  became  steadily  worse. 
It  was  certain  that,  on  attaining  his  majority,  he 
would  eject  her,  the  grant  to  her  trustees  being  speci- 
fically limited  to  the  period  of  his  nonage.  In  1475, 
therefore,  she  formally  laid  claim  to  the  manors  and 
lands   that   had  been   settled  on  her  during  the  life 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  i^by-i^yj,       bundle  67,  no.  176. 
p.  330-  ^  Calendar  0/ Patent  Rolls,  i^6y-i4^^ 

*     Early      Chancery      Proceedings,       p.  364. 

CH.  III.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  127 

time  of  Sir  James  Luttrell,  pleading  a  clause  in  the 
act  of  attainder  to  the  effect  that  the  wives  of  the 
persons  attainted  should,  if  born  within  the  realm, 
enjoy  their  own  hereditaments.  She  stated  that  she 
was  a  native  of  Exeter,  and  asked  that  an  inquisition 
in  favour  of  the  Herbert  family  should  be  set  aside.  ^ 
Inasmuch  as  a  commission  of  enquiry  was  appointed, 
and  a  Somerset  jury  endorsed  her  statements,  it  is 
probable  that  her  suit  was  successful.  ^ 

In  the  proceedings  of  1475,  Lady  Luttrell  is 
described  as  a  widow.  She  had,  in  point  of  fact, 
had  two  husbands.  Sir  James  Luttrell  had,  as  we 
have  seen,  been  mortally  wounded  at  the  second 
battle  of  St.  Albans  and  attainted.  After  his  death, 
she  had  married  his  cousin.  Sir  Humphrey  Audley, 
brother  of  Lord  Audley,  but  he  in  turn  was  taken 
prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury  and  beheaded. ' 
Even  in  those  distracted  times  of  civil  war,  there 
could  not  have  been  many  widows  who  had,  within 
eleven  years,  lost  two  husbands  fighting  on  behalf  of 
the  unfortunate  House  of  Lancaster.  She  eventually 
married  a  third  husband,  Thomas  Malet  of  Enmore 
in  Somerset,  but,  according  to  common  medieval 
custom,  she  retained  the  surname  of  Luttrell  until 
her  death  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Seventh.  It 
was  under  that  name  that  she,  in  1476,  stood  god- 
mother to  Richard,  the  short-lived  son  of  her  patron, 
George,  Duke  of  Clarence.  *  Her  feelings  at  the 
christening  must  have  been  mixed,  for  it  was  perform- 
ed at  Tewkesbury,  the  very  place  where  her  late 
husband  had  lost  his  head. 

'  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls;  1467-1477,  the  White  Rose,  p.  127;  Paston  Letters, 

p.  522.  vol.  iii.   p.  9  ;  Rotitli  Parliantentonint, 

*  Iiiq.    post   mortem,  15   Edw.    IV.  vol.  vi.  p.  128. 

no.  57.  *  Dugdale's  Monasticon,  vol.  ii.  p.  64. 

^  D.C.M.    XXXV.    24  ;    Chronicles   of 

128  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iii. 

Alexander  Luttrell,  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  James  and 
Elizabeth,  died  young,  in  obscurity.  On  the  death 
of  William  Harleston,  son  of  William  Harleston  by 
Elizabeth  his  wife,  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell, 
in  1480,  it  was  found  that,  under  the  entail  of  1404, 
a  moiety  of  the  manor  of  Debenham,  in  Suffolk, 
called  Blodhall,  should  pass  to  his  cousin  Hugh  Lut- 
trell, son  and  heir  of  Sir  James.  ^  Notwithstanding 
the  act  of  attainder,  the  King  eventually  allowed 
Hugh  Luttrell  to  receive  this  small  portion  of  his 
inheritance  as  a  grant  from  the  Crown.  ^ 

In  1479,  Edward  the  Fourth,  wishing  to  confer 
the  Earldom  of  Pembroke  on  his  own  son,  took  it 
away  from  William  Herbert  the  younger,  giving  to 
him  in  its  stead  the  Earldom  of  Huntingdon.  This 
young  nobleman  had  been  allowed  to  enter  upon  his 
lands  before  he  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  he  enjoyed 
Dunster,  Carhampton,  and  other  Luttrell  estates  until 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  Richard  the  Third. 

'  Inq.  post    mortem,  20    Edw.  IV.  *  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,  146^-147'^, 

no.  100.  p.  566. 

Standard  Bearer 
FROM  THE  Luttrell  Psalter. 


The  Luttrells  of  Dunster 

The  signal  victory  of  the  Lancastrian  party  on  the 
field  of  Bosworth,  in  August  1485,  revived  the  hopes 
of  all  those  who  had  been  ejected  by  the  Yorkists. 
Henry  the  Seventh  had  not  been  on  the  throne  many 
weeks  before  some  of  them  were  reinstated.  Among 
them  Hugh  Luttrell,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  James  Lut- 
trell,  presented  a  petition  to  the  King  in  Parliament 
setting  forth  that  his  father  had  been  attainted  "  for 
the  true  faith  and  allegiaunce  which  he  owid  unto 
the  right  famous  prince  of  moost  blessed  memory, 
then  his  soveraine  lord,  Henry  late  King  of  England 
the  sixth,  "  and  praying  that  the  act  of  attainder 
should  be  repealed,  and  consequent  letters  patent 
made  void.  His  petition  was  readily  granted  and 
the  agents  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  made  way  for 
the  rightful  lord  of  Dunster.  ^ 

Hugh  Luttrell,  however,  had  serious  trouble  with 
his  mother.  Dame  Elizabeth,  and  her  third  husband, 
Thomas  Malet,  with  regard  to  the  lands  which  she 
claimed  to  hold  in  jointure,  and  some  jewels,  plate, 
and  household  stuff,  valued  at  800  marks,  which  Sir 
James  Luttrell  had  bequeathed  to  his  eldest  son.  At 
last,  after  legal  proceedings  had  been   begun,  a  com- 

1  Roiiili  Parliametitorum,  vol.  vi.  p.  297  ;  D.C.M.  i.  26. 

130  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

promise  was  effected  whereby  Lady  Luttrell  retained 
the  manor  of  East  Quantockshead,  and  Hugh  under- 
took to  pay  her  80  marks  a  year  for  the  manor  of 
Minehead  during  her  life.  She  and  her  husband  then 
delivered  to  him  "  two  basons  of  silver,  two  ewers, 
two  gilte  cuppes  covered  standyng,  two  pottes  of 
silver  and  gilt  with  a  pot  of  silver,  two  saltes  with  one 
cover,  three  boUes  with  one  cover,  a  chafyng  disshe 
of  silver,  two  doseyn  spones,  a  chaleys,  a  masse  boke, 
a  peir  of  vestementes,  "  and  a  list  of  the  other  goods 
that  should  pass  to  him  at  her  death.  ^ 

Lady  Luttrell  lived  some  years  longer,  and  at  her 
death,  in  1493,  ^^^  buried  before  the  high  altar  in 
Dunster  Church.  An  incised  stone  slab,  which  has 
since  been  removed  to  the  south  aisle  of  the  chancel, 
shows  her  attired  in  a  sideless  dress  faced  with  ermine, 
and  a  mantle  lined  with  ermine,  the  neck  bare,  and 
the  head  covered  with  a  veil  falling  below  the  should- 
ers. Two  angels  support  a  pillow,  and  there  is  the 
usual  dog  at  the  feet.  The  inscription  around  it 
runs  : — 

**  Orate  <:|ueBo  |>ro  dk  bne  (Bfi^dBet?  feuttereff  c\nc 
o6iit  pximo  bie  meitBis  ^tptcm^txB  anno  ^ni  ntiffio 
cccc  nona^eeio  tercto.  (Itunc  QCre  te  pdimuB  miBtttt' 
<\B  c\m  x>mii  rebime  ptitos  nofi  batn^jnare  rebem^)to6/* 

This  may  be  translated  : — 

"  Pray,  I  beseech  you,  for  the  soul  of  Dame  Elizabeth 
Lutterell,  who  died  on  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  Sep- 
tember in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1493.  Now,  O  Christ,  we 
pray  thee  have  mercy,  and  do  not  condemn  the  redeemed 
whom  thou  earnest  to  redeem  when  lost.  " 

The  second  part  of  the  inscription,  as  abbreviated, 

'  D.C.M.  XXVIII.  18  ;  XXXVII.  6i. 

>  ;DtfaJ  oimicCH  01:1  a  0^  o\jo&tmoi/ 

G^@Tatp  quDfo  )jro  a\a  buo  Gluabctj) 

HrtiKwtU  Ljte    rtti- 


CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  131 

was  apparently  intended  to  make  two  hexameter 
lines,  though  at  the  cost  of  several  false  quantities. 
It  occurs  also,  some  thirty  years  later,  on  an  alabaster 
tomb  at  Oxford,  where  the  standard  of  Latin  scholar- 
ship should  have  been  higher  than  it  was  in  West 
Somerset.  ^ 

Hugh  Luttrell  of  Dunster  was  created  a  Knight 
of  the  Bath  at  the  coronation  of  Elizabeth  of  York, 
wife  of  Henry  the  Seventh,  in  November  1487.  ^  A 
few  days  later,  he  received  from  his  uncle  Peter 
Courtenay,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  a  grant  of  the  office 
of  Master  of  Poundsford  Park,  near  Taunton,  with  an 
annuity  of  10/.  for  life.  ^  He  was  Sheriff  of  Somerset 
and  Dorset  for  a  year  beginning  in  November  1488.  * 
Nine  years  later,  he  took  the  field  against  Perkin 
Warbeck  under  the  Duke  of  Buckingham.  ^  When 
the  Princess  Catherine  of  Arragon  came  to  England 
in  1 50 1,  in  order  to  marry  the  Prince  of  Wales,  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  was  one  of  the  seven  knights  and  gen- 
tlemen of  Somerset  who  were  selected  to  escort  her 
from  Crewkerne  to  Sherborne.^  In  15 13,  we  find 
him  serving  in  the  royal  navy  in  the  ship  of  Leonard 
Fiscaballi.  ' 

There  is  a  mention  of  him  in  a  letter  from  Giles, 
Lord  Daubeny,  Chamberlain  of  the  Household,  who 
died  in  1508,  to  Sir  John  Trevelyan,  with  regard  to 
the  royal  forest  of  Exmoor  : — 

"  I  am  enformed  that  of  late  a  litle  grugge  Is  fallen 
bitwene  my  brother,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  and  you,  for  that 

'  Macleane's  History  of  Pembroke  Col-  Luttrell   was   fined   for   assisting    the 

lege,  p.  25.  rebels  seems  to  be  founded  on  a  mis- 

'  Shaw's  Knights  of  England,  vol.  i.  apprehension.  Proceedings  of  Somerset 

p.  142.  Archaeological Society,vo\.  xxv.pp. 71,74. 

^  D. CM.  XXXVII.  17  '^  Letters  and  Papers,  Richard  III  and 

*  List  of  Sheriffs,  p.  124.  Henry  VIL  vol.  i.  p.  406. 

*  Holinshed's  'Chronicle,\o\.  iii.  p.  784.  '  Letters  and    Papers,  Henry   VIU. 
Mr.  E.  C.  Batten's  idea  that  Sir  Hugh  vol.  i.  p.  652. 

132  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

he  hunted  of  late  in  the  outewods  of  the  said  forest,  and 
therupon  a  couple  of  hounds  were  taken  up  by  servants  of 
yours  from  his  servants.  After  that,  cousyn,  inasmoche  as 
my  said  brother  Luttrell  is  a  boderer  (borderer)  of  the  said 
forest,  and  that  ye  know  he  hath  maried  my  sister,  and  the 
man  whom  I  doo  love  tenderly,  my  mynde  is  and  desire 
unto  you  that  ye  shuld  have  an  yghe  unto  hym  above  all 
others  in  those  parties.  And  that  when  it  shall  like  hym 
to  kyll  a  dere  or  to  hunt  for  his  disporte,  that  ye  suffer  hym 
soo  to  doe,  I  pray  you  as  hertily  as  I  can.  Writen  at 
Grenewich  the  xx  daie  of  Feverer. 

"And  1  pray  you,  cousyn,  let  my  said  broder  take  his 
disporte,  and  if  he  list  let  hym  kyll  one  dere  in  somer  and  a 
nother  in  wynter  herafter.  "  ^ 

The  allusion  to  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  as  a  borderer  of 
Exmoor  is  of  course  in  respect  of  his  property  in  the 
extreme  west  of  Somerset.  There  is,  however,  reason 
to  believe  that  he  resided  less  at  Dunster  than  at  East 
Quantockshead,  where  he  appears  to  have  built  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  existing  manor-house.  To  the 
Herberts  the  Dunster  estate  had  been  merely  a  source 
of  revenue,  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  they  had  suf- 
fered the  older  parts  of  the  Castle  to  fall  out  of  repair. 

At  Minehead,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  built  a  small 
pier  and  enlarged  the  harbour  considerably,  to  the 
great  benefit  of  the  little  town.  ^  In  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Seventh  he  was  the  Admiral  there,  and, 
on  at  least  one  occasion,  he  presided  over  a  court  of 
Admiralty  for  the  decision  of  a  maritime  case.  ^ 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  was  married  twice.  His  first  wife 
was  Margaret,  daughter  of  Robert  Hill  of  Houndston, 
near  Yeovil,  a  military  tenant  of  the  honour  of  Dun- 
ster, by  Alice  his  wife,  relict  of  William  Daubeny  of 
Barrington.*     This  Robert  Hill  was  buried  in  Dunster 

'  Tycvclyan  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  120.  logical  Society,  vol.  xxxv.  p.  50. 

^  Hancock's  Minehead,  p.  288.  ^  Weaver's    Visitations  of  Somerset, 

■'  Piocccitings   of  Somerset    Archceo-      p. -^2  ;  Trevelyaii  Papers,  vo].  up.  120. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  133 

Church,  but  his  arms  are  no  longer  to  be  seen  there.  ^ 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell's  second  wife  was  Walthean 
daughter  of — Yard  of  Devonshire,  and  rehct  of  Walter 
Yorke  of  Exeter  and  John  Drewe.  ^  Her  third  mar- 
riage must  have  taken  place  in  or  before  January  i  508, 
when  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  settled  the  manor  of  East 
Quantockshead  on  her  in  jointure.  By  subsequent 
arrangements,  she  also  obtained  from  him  the  manors 
of  Kilton,  Iveton  and  Vexford  for  her  life.  ^  In  con- 
sideration of  some  services  or  payments  unspecified, 
the  abbot  and  convent  of  Athelney,  in  1 5  i  o,  admitted 
Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  and  his  wife  to  their  fraternity 
and  sisterhood,  promising  to  them  all  the  benefits  of 
their  common  prayers,  and  undertaking  to  celebrate 
mass  for  their  souls  after  death.  * 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  had  issue  by  his  first  wife  four 
children  : — 

Andrew,  his  heir. 

John,  sometimes  called  John  Luttrell  '  the  elder  '  in 

contradistinction  to  his  nephew  of  the  same  name. 

He  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Luttrells  of  Kentsbury 

and  Spaxton. 
Elizabeth.   She  married  Sir  William  Carent  of  Toomer, 

in  Somerset,  who  died  in  1564. " 
Eleanor.      She  married  Roger  Yorke,  Serjeant  at  Law, 

son  of  her  step-mother  Dame  Walthean  Luttrell.  ^ 

It  is  uncertain  whether  Sir  Hugh  left  any  issue  by 
his  second  wife.  Nothing  is  known  as  to  the  parent- 
age of  a  certain  George  Luttrell  who  is  mentioned 
in  1580  as  a  'servant'  of  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell. 

1  Harl.  MS.  1559,  f.  235.  *  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  19. 

^  Leland's  Itinerary,  p.  166;  Early  ^  Rutchins's  History  of  Dorset.  vo].iv. 

Chancery    Proceedings,    bundle    319,  p.  112. 

nos.  36-38.  "^  D.C.M.  XXIII.  22  ;  Heralds'  College 

^  Inq.  post    mortem,    E.    H.    909  ;  MS.  C.  22.  f.  393. 
D  CM.  II.  5. 

134  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

He  had  a  son  John,  baptized  at  East  Quantockshead 
in  1 57 1.  Ten  years  later,  he  was  married  there  to 
Cecily  Smyth.  He  died  in  1593,  and  she  survived 
until  161  3. 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  died  on  the  i  st  of  February  1 5  2 1 , 
and  was  buried  at  East  Quantockshead. 

Andrew  Luttrell  succeeded.  He  had  been  mar- 
ried some  years.  On  the  31st  of  March  15  14,  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  of  Dunster  entered  into  an  agreement 
with  Sir  Thomas  Wyndham  of  Felbrigg  in  Norfolk, 
the  first  provision  of  which  runs  as  follows  : — 

"  Andrew  Luttrell,  sonn  and  heire  apparant  of  the  saied 
Sir  Hugh,  by  the  grace  of  God,  shall  mary  and  take  to  his 
wiefe  Margaret  one  of  the  doughters  of  the  saied  Sir  Thomas, 
or  any  other  of  the  doughters  of  the  said  Sir  Thomas  suche 
as  the  saied  Androwe  shall  best  lieke  byfore  the  Wonysdaie 
next  after  Lowe  Soundaie  next  commynge  after  the  date  of 
this  presentes,  after  the  cosdom  and  lawe  of  holye  churche, 
if  the  said  Margaret  or  such  of  her  sisters  as  the  said 
Androwe  shall  best  lieke  therunto  will  agree  and  the  lawe 
of  holye  churche  it  wyll  permytt  and  suifer. 

The  time  specified  was  certainly  not  over-long,  as 
there  were  only  four  weeks  between  the  date  of  the 
agreement  and  the  last  day  allowed  for  the  solemniza- 
tion of  the  marriage.  It  was  nevertheless  stipulated 
that  if  Andrew  Luttrell  should  die  during  that  brief 
interval,  his  next  brother,  John,  should,  in  his  stead, 
marry  one  of  the  daughters  of  Sir  Thomas  Wyndham 
before  Whitsuntide.      Another  clause  runs  : — 

"  The  said  Sir  Hugh,  at  his  proper  costes  and  charges, 
shall  apparell  the  said  Androwe  or  John  that  shall  happen 
to  mary  with  one  of  the  doughters  of  the  said  Sir  Thomas 
at  the  saied  daie  of  maryage  as  shalbe  convenyent  for  his 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  135 

Sir  Thomas  Wyndham  on  his  side  undertook  to 
"  apparell  "  his  daughter  for  the  wedding,  and  to  pay 
one  half  of  the  charges  of  the  dinner  and  other  ex- 
penses connected  therewith.  The  bride's  portion, 
— seven  hundred  marks  (466/.  13^.  4^/.),  was  to  be 
paid  to  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  in  instalments,  he  settling 
40/.  a  year  on  the  young  couple  and  giving  a  guarantee 
that  his  son  should  eventually  inherit  the  bulk  of  his 
landed  property.  As  both  the  parties  to  the  intended 
marriage  were  minors,  the  bride's  father  was  to  have 
"the  rule  and  governance"  of  them  and  their  property 
until  the  husband  should  come  of  age.  ^ 

A  legal  settlement  in  pursuance  of  this  agreement 
was  made  in  May,  shortly  after  the  marriage  of 
Andrew  and  Margaret  on  the  22nd  of  April.  ^  The 
bride  belonged  to  a  family  which  afterwards  acquired 
considerable  property  near  Dunster.  In  1537,  she 
received  from  her  mother's  sister,  Elizabeth,  Countess 
of  Oxford,  a  legacy  of  a  tablet  of  gold.  ^ 

It  was  perhaps  natural  that  Andrew  Luttrell  should 
quarrel  with  his  step-mother.  Dame  Walthean,  who 
kept  him  out  of  part  of  his  inheritance.  In  reply  to 
a  bill  filed  against  her  in  the  Star  Chamber,  she  stated 
that  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  Andrew  Luttrell 
"  in  Lent  last  past,  of  his  wilfull  and  cruell  mynde, 
without  any  cause  resonable,  took  her  goodes  and 
catalles,  not  levyng  her  dische,  pott,  nother  panne,  " 
and  that  she  and  her  children  and  servants  had 
"  stood  in  daily  perell  of  their  lyves,  "  until  she  went 
up  to  London,  leaving  only  a  certain  Lewis  Griffyth 
and  an  "  impotent,  power  "  almsman,  eighty  years 
of  age,  to  look  after  her  interests  at  East  Quantocks- 
head.     She  professed,  moreover,  to  have  instructed  her 

'  D.C.M.  II.  3.  *  Nicolas,  Testamcnta  Vetusta,p.  676. 

-  Inq.  post  mortem,  E.  II.  943,  no.  5. 

136  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

agent  to  offer  no  resistance  if  Andrew  Luttrell  or  any 
one  on  his  behalf  should  attempt  to  eject  him  from 
the  manor  house.  In  such  an  event,  she  intended  to 
have  her  remedy  at  I^lw.  A  serious  affray,  however, 
occurred  in  her  absence.  Two  versions  of  it  have 
been  preserved. 

One  of  Andrew  Luttrell's  servants,  John  Gay  by 
name,  complained  to  the  King's  Council  that,  on  the 
7th  of  June,  I  52 1,  Lewis  GrifFyth  and  several  other 
evil-disposed  persons  assaulted  him  at  East  Quan- 
tockshead,  shot  eleven  arrows  at  him,  one  of  which 
pierced  him  through  the  left  arm,  while  others 
"  grevosly  strake  hym  in  dyvers  places  of  hys  body, 
so  that  and  yff  socoure  of  trees  hadde  nott  byn,  they 
hadde  kylled  and  murdered  hym  oute  of  hand."  He 
also  said  that  he  had  received  "  a  grette  wonde  in 
the  shilder  "  with  a  forest  bill. 

Griffyth's  account  of  the  matter  is  much  more 
detailed.  He  being  in  Quantock  Park,  "with  his  bowe 
and  his  shaffes  under  his  gyrdell,  going  abought  to 
recover  a  dere,  being  hurte,  in  a  place  called  Blakwell," 
met  Gay  and  two  other  men.  Gay  was  armed  with  "  a 
longe  peked  staff  "  seven  feet  long,  and  his  compan- 
ions carried  great  axes.  They  said  that  they  had 
come,  by  command  of  their  master,  to  take  sixty 
trees  for  posts,  but  he  told  them  that  this  could  not 
be  done  without  warrant  from  Dame  Walthean,  who 
held  the  manor  for  her  life.  Furthermore,  he,  "  to 
fere  the  said  John  Gay  and  his  felowes,  shot  an 
arrowe  wyde  of  them.  "  When  Gay  asked  him  "  to 
holde  his  hand,  "  he  "  took  his  cap  in  his  hand  and 
desyered  and  tenderly  prayed  them  to  departe. 
This  they  did,  but  they  "  wente  into  a  place  withyn 
the  said  towne  and  there  harnyssed  them,  and  called 
to  them  two   idell   persons,  "  and  so  returned,  "  two 




CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  137 

of  them  havyng  forest  billes,  the  said  Gay  havyng  the 
said  longe  pyked  staff,  a  hanger  and  a  shorte  dager, 
and  the  residewe  of  them  havyng  grete  axes  in  their 
hands.  "  By  hewing  "  an  olde  lying  tree  "  within  sound 
of  the  manor-house,  they  made  Griffyth  believe  that 
they  were  felling  trees,  and  when  he  came  out,  they 
attacked  him  and  "  a  chylde  "  of  sixteen  who  was  with 
him.  Gay  may  have  been  hurt  in  the  fight,  but  Grif- 
fyth was  knocked  down  and  injured  with  a  forest  bill 
on  the  head  and  hand.  Finally  he  and  the  boy  were 
taken  three  miles  to  the  house  of  Lord  Fitzwarren, 
who  caused  them  to  be  "  fetered  "  and  put  for  two 
hours  or  more  in  his  porter's  lodge,  whence  they  were 
released  only  on  payment  of  a  fee  to  the  porter.  ^ 

It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  Gay's  version  or 
GrifFyth's  was  the  more  truthful. 

Andrew  Luttrell  was  knighted  in  or  before  i  527.  ^ 
He  was  appointed  Sheriff  of  Somerset  and  Dorset  in 
November  1528."*  Some  five  years  later,  he  was  a 
servitor  at  the  coronation  of  Anne  Boleyn.  *  There 
is  a  somewhat  mysterious  letter  from  him  to  Thomas 
Cromwell   dated    at    Dunster  on   the    i6th    of  July 

1537  '— 

"  Acordyng  [to  the]  request  made  unto  me  by  your  late 
letters  yn  the  favowr  of  Mens.  Pynto  for  the  transportyng 
of  a  sertyn  lady  owt  of  Portyngale  hither,  I  have,  as  muche 
as  yn  me  ys,  furnysshyd  your  sayd  desyre,  in  suche  sorte 
that  she  ys  here  aryvyd  yn  safete  wyth  her  gooddes,  wyche 
is  extemyd  to  be  of  noo  small  summe.  Nevertheles,  for  as 
myche  that  y  have  percevyd,  as  well  by  conveans  of  her 
sayd  goodes  by  nyght,  as  also  the  receyving  of  her  person 
and  company  certyng  dystance  from  the  common  porte  that 
y  was  apoynted  to,  that  suche  secrett  thyngkes  wrought  yn 

'  star  Chamber  Proceedings,  vol.  xvi.  ^  List  of  Sheriffs,    p.   124.;    D.C.M. 

ff.  20-22.  xxxvii.  21. 

*  Somerset  Medieval    Wills,  vol.    ii.  *  Letters  and  Papers,  Henry    VII J . 

p.  264.  vol.  vi.  no.  562. 

138  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

her  sayd  conveance,  that  nether  my  shipe  nor  maryners 
herafter  can  use  there  trade  of  merchandise  thither  without 
danger,  etc. 

He  therefore  asks  for  the  powerful  minister's  advice 
and  assistance  "  yfF  any  trobell  shall  chanyce  unto  me 
or  myne.  "  ^  Some  explanation  of  the  letter  may  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  Henry  the  Eighth  was  neutral 
in  the  war  between  Charles  the  Fifth  and  Francis  the 
First.  A  few  weeks  later,  another  Portuguese  lady 
of  rank  and  wealth,  wishing  to  go  to  Flanders,  thought 
it  prudent  to  sail  in  the  first  instance  to  an  English 
port,  thus  avoiding  the  northern  coast  of  France.  She 
too  had  the  assistance  of  the  same  Pinto,  a  Portuguese 
merchant.  ^ 

Sir  Andrew  Luttrell  obtained  some  spiritual  benefits 
by  sanctioning  an  arrangement  under  which  the 
impoverished  Priory  of  Flitcham,  in  Norfolk,  in 
which  he  had  some  hereditary  rights,  should  be 
definitely  united  to  the  mother  house  of  Walsingham. 
The  Prior  and  Convent  of  the  larger  and  more  famous 
establishment,  in  1530,  admitted  him  and  his  wife  to 
their  fraternity,  making  them  partakers  in  all  their 
prayers.  They  undertook  to  provide  an  anniversary 
mass  for  their  souls  after  death,  and  to  maintain  a 
canon  who  should  celebrate  daily  on  their  behalf  at 
Flitcham.  Lastly,  they  promised  to  supply  them  with 
board  and  lodging  for  two  days  and  nights  every  year 
if  they  should  wish  to  go  to  Walsingham,  a  noted 
place  for  pilgrimages.  ^ 

In  a  will  dated  the  14th  of  April  1538,  Sir 
Andrew  Luttrell  describes  himself  as  '  of  the  parish  of 
East  Quantock,  '  the  manor-house  there  being  his 
usual  residence.       He    also    directed  that   his   body 

*  Letters  and  Pafers,  Henry  VIII.  ^  Ibid.  nos.  520,  757. 

vol.  xii.  no.  265.  ^  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  20,  22. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  139 

should  be  buried  in  the  chancel  of  the  church  there, 
before  the  picture  of  Our  Lady  at  the  north  end  of 
the  high  altar,  under  the  tomb  and  window  to  be 
made  there.  To  the  church  he  bequeathed  5/.  for 
the  purchase  of  a  chalice,  and  to  the  high  altar  20s. 
for  tithes  overlooked.  He  also  left  20s.  to  the  mother 
church  of  St.  Andrew  at  Wells,  and  40J.  to  the 
Carthusians  in  London  for  two  solemn  obits  with  two 
dirges.  The  Friars  Minors  of  Bridgewater  were  to 
receive  20s.  a  year  for  three  years  for  solemn  obits  for 
his  soul,the  souls  of  his  parents  and  the  soul  of  a  certain 
Hugh  Trot.  Thirty  masses  were  to  be  said  by  as  many 
priests  on  the  day  of  his  burial,  and  money  was  to  be 
distributed  to  the  poor  on  that  occasion  and  on  its 
first  anniversary.  For  a  whole  year,  moreover,  five 
priests  were  to  sing  mass  daily  for  his  soul,  with 
special  prayers  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays,  each 
priest  being  paid  61.  1 3J-.  4^.  yearly  and  provided 
with  the  necessary  singing-bread,  wine,  candles,  vest- 
ments and  books. 

The  part  of  Sir  Andrew  Luttrell's  will  dealing 
with  secular  matters  specifies  legacies  to  a  godson  and 
to  household  servants.  A  silver  cup  was  bequeathed 
to  the  all-powerful  minister,  Thomas,  Lord  Cromwell, 
so  that  he  should  be  "  good  lord  "  to  the  testator's 
wife  and  children.  To  his  eldest  son,  John  Luttrell, 
he  left  all  his  raiment  and  his  bows  and  arrows,  and 
to  his  wife.  Lady  Margaret,  all  the  rest  of  his  goods, 
upon  condition  that  she  should  surrender  them  if  she 
should  marry  again.  Each  of  his  younger  children 
was  to  have  a  fortune  of  400  marks,  the  sons  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one  and  the  daughters  at  eighteen.  ^ 

Sir  Andrew  Luttrell  died  a  few  weeks   after  the 

Somerset  Medieval  Wills  (ed.  Weaver),  vol.  iii.  pp.  41,42. 

I40  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

date  of  his  will  and  was  buried  at  East  Quantocks- 
head.  '  The  tomb  erected  there  in  compliance  with 
his  instructions  has  an  arched  recess,  with  late  Gothic 
cresting  and  panelling.  On  the  lower  part  there  are 
three  shields  : —  Luttrell ;  Luttrell  impaling  Hill  ; 
and  Luttrell  impaling  Wyndham.  There  are  no 
effigies  on  it  and  the  slab  has  an  inscription  : — 

'*j0m  fugt  Jgug;^  ULutivdf  U^^^i  w^^t  be|>artgb  1522 
t^e  fgrst  bag  of  S^Bruarg* 

J^ere  fiit  ®^nbro  B^uttteff  ftngg^t  ^ie  6one  wg^e  be^Jdrtgb 
t^e  gere  of  on?r  forb  (Bob  mcccccxxxviijf  t^t  ixi)  bag  of 
(gtag.    On  w^ogB  BoufgB  3?u  ^<^t)e  mercg*  ** 

The  letters  are  badly  cut  and  the  year  of  Sir  Hugh 
Luttrell's  death  is  given  incorrectly.  ^ 

Dame  Margaret  Luttrell  lived  to  a  great  age,  sur- 
viving her  husband  by  more  than  forty  years.  In 
1543,  she  was  registered  as  the  owner  of  a  ship  of 
100  tons  belonging  to  the  port  of  Minehead,  but  at 
that  time  in  London.^  Having  a  considerable  joint- 
ure, she  was  a  powerful  personage.  As  will  be  seen 
hereafter,  she  invested  some  of  her  savings  in  the 
purchase  of  the  Priory  of  Dunster,  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  monasteries,  thereby  consolidating  the  property 
of  her  successors.  At  her  death  in  1580,  she  was 
buried  beside  her  husband  and  her  father-in-law  at 
East  Quantockshead.  * 

Sir  Andrew   Luttrell   left  issue   four  sons   and  four 

daughters  : — 
John,  his  heir. 

'  Inq.  post  mortem,  E.  H.  i78,no.i6.  *  1580,  July  7.  "  Died  the  right  wor- 
*  It  isclearfrom  the  inquisition  taken  shipful   Dame  Margaret   Luttrell   and 
after  the  death  of  Sir  Hugh  that  he  died  was  buried  the  8th  of  August  follow- 
in  1520/1,  not  1521/2.  ing."    East  Quantockshead  Register  at 

»  Letters   ami  Papers,  Henry  VIII.  Dunster  Castle, 
vol.  xviii,  part  i,  no.  547. 

CH.  IV.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  141 

Thomas,  successor  to  his  brother. 

Nicholas,  of  Honibere,  ancestor  of  the  Luttrells  of 
Hartland  Abbey  in  Devonshire,  and  of  the  Luttrells 
of  Saunton  Court  in  the  same  county.  ^ 

Andrew,  named  in  the  will  of  his  brother.  Sir  John. 

Margaret.  She  married  Peter  Edgcumbe  of  Mount 
Edgcumbe  in  Devonshire,  who  died  in  1 607.  ^  As 
executors  and  residuary  legatees  under  the  will  of 
her  mother,  they  had  long  suits  in  Chancery 
against  George  Luttrell  of  Dunster  Castle.  ^  It 
was  to  Margaret  Edgcumbe  that  Dame  Margaret 
Luttrell  specifically  bequeathed  her  best  and  largest 
carpet,  the  magnificent  example  of  heraldic  em- 
broidery which  now  hangs  at  Cothele.  ^ 

Honor.  She  married  Edward  Barrow,  at  East  Quan- 
tockshead  on  the  26th  of  January  1561. 

Cecily.  She  married  Richard  Rogers  of  Bryanston, 
in  Dorset,  who  was  knighted  some  years  after  her 
death,  which  occurred  in  1566.^ 

Elizabeth.  She  married  firstly  Richard  Malet  of 
Currypool  in  Charlinch.  After  his  death  in  155  i, 
she  married  secondly  Sir  George  Speke,  K.B.  of 
Whitelackington,  and  died  in  or  before  1561." 

John  Luttrell,  eldest  son  and  heir  of  Sir  Andrew, 
was  under  age  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death. 
Cromwell,  not  forgetful  of  the  silver  cup,  at  once  took 
him  under  his  protection,  and  his  name  was  entered 
in  a  list  of  gentlemen  suitable  to  be  taken  into  the 
King's  service.  ^  He  was  of  course  a  ward  of  the 
Crown,  and,  in  June  1540,  on  the  fall  of  his  former 

1  See  Appendix.  ■*  See  Appendix. 

-  The  curious  epitaph  of  Peter  Edg-  ^  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  78. 

cumbe  at  Maker  is  given  in  CoUins's  *  Somerset     Medieval      fVills     (ed. 

Peerage,  vol.  v.  p.  329.  Weaver),  vol.  iii.  p.  130. 

'  Chancery  Proceedings,  Ee.  2.  no.  49;  ''Letters    and  Papers,    Henry  VUl. 

Ee.  5.  no.  6.  vol.  xiii.  part  ii.  no.  1184. 

142  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  iv. 

patron,  his  wardship  and  marriage  were  given,  or  sold, 
to  Sir  William  Kingston.  ^  Thirteen  months  later, 
he  received  livery  of  his  lands  on  attaining  his  major- 
ity.^ Subject  to  the  life  interest  of  his  mother.  Dame 
Margaret,  the  manor  of  East  Quantockshead  was,  in 
1543,  settled  on  him  and  Mary  his  wife,  who  was  a 
daughter  of  Sir  Griffith  Ryce.  ^  A  further  settlement 
of  the  manor  and  borough  of  Dunster,  the  manors  of 
Kilton  and  Chilton  Luttrell,  and  various  lands,  was 
made  on  them  in  the  following  year.  *  From  this 
time  forward,  John  Luttrell  was  seldom  at  home.  On 
Sunday  the  i  ith  of  May  1544,  immediately  after  the 
capture  and  burning  of  Edinburgh,  he  was  knighted 
at  Leith,  by  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  the  English  King's 
Lieutenant  in  Scotland.  ^  In  the  later  part  of  the 
same  year,  he  was  at  Boulogne,  in  command  of  over 
two  hundred  men.  ^ 

In  1547,  John  Luttrell  was  again  in  Scotland, 
serving  under  his  former  leader,  who  had  been  ad- 
vanced to  the  dignity  of  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  he 
led  three  hundred  men  in  the  vanguard  of  the  English 
army  at  the  battle  of  Pinkie.  A  week  later,  he  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  little  island  of  Inchcolm, 
situated  in  the  estuary  of  the  Forth,  some  two  miles 
from  Aberdour  and  six  from  Leith.  The  Augustinian 
canons  who  inhabited  it  had  evacuated  it,  removing 
apparently  to  Donisbristle.  A  contemporary  chron- 
icler waxes  facetious  over  the  substitution  of  soldiers 
for  men  of  religion  : — 

"  Sir  John  Luttrell,  knight,  having  bene,  by  my  Lordes 
grace  and  the  counsell,  elect  abbot,  by  God's  sufferance,  of 
the  monastery  of  Sainct  Coomes  Ins  afore   remembered,  in 

'  Patent  Roll,  32  Hen.  VHI.  part  i.  <  Ibid.  35  Hen.  VHI.  part  18,  m.  8. 

'"•  22-  5  Letters   and  Papers,  Henry  VIII. 

^  Ibid.  33  Hen.  VHI.  part  3,  m.  23.  vol.  xix.  part  i.  no.  531. 

I  hid.  34  Hen.  VHI.  part  g.  in.  31.  «  Ibid,  part  2,  no.  799. 

CH.  IV.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  143 

the  afternoon  of  this  day  (Saturday,  17th  September)  depart- 
ed towards  the  island,  to  be  stalled  in  his  see  thear  accord- 
ingly ;  and  had  with  him  coovent  of  100  hakbutters  and  50 
pioneers  to  kepe  his  house  and  land  thear,  and  2  rowe  barkes 
well  furnished  with  ammunicion,  and  70  mariners  for  them 
to  kepe  his  waters  ;  whereby  it  is  thought  he  shall  soon 
becum  a  prelate  of  great  power.  The  perfytness  of  his 
religion  is  not  alwaies  to  tarry  at  home,  but  sumtime  to  rowe 
out  abrode  a  visitacion,  and,  when  he  goithe,  I  have  heard 
say,  he  taketh  alweyes  his  sumners  ^  in  barke  with  hym, 
which  are  very  open  mouthed  and  never  talk  but  they  are 
heard  a  mile  of;  so  that  either  for  loove  of  his  blessynges  or 
fear  of  his  cursinges,  he  is  like  to  be  the  souveraigne  over 
most  part  of  his  neighbours.  "  ^ 

In  point  of  fact,  the  garrison  established  in  the  old 
abbey  of  Inchcolm  soon  became  a  cause  of  anxiety  to 
the  English  commanders.  Instead  of  being  able  to 
control  the  navigation  of  the  Western  Forth,  Sir  John 
Luttrell  w^as  for  a  time  invested  by  a  leaguer  of 
Scottish  ships  and  boats,  under  an  abbot  and  James 
Dogge,  who  were  sanguine  of  capturing  the  rock.  ^ 
Although  no  assault  was  actually  made,  he  found 
himself  almost  powerless  in  the  face  of  two  men  of 
war,  one  of  them  of  80  tons  burden.  Having  sent 
the  Sucre  to  England,  to  procure  timber,  coal,  and 
other  necessaries,  he  had  only  the  Double  Rose,  which 
was  "  lytell  and  open.  "  "  Ther  ys  nothinge,  "  he 
writes  on  the  2nd  of  November,  "  thatt  grevys  me 
so  myche  as  that  I  cannott  have  on  suyche  shyppe, 

wythe  my  pynnays,  as  the  Wyllyby  ys wyche  yf  I 

had  had,  the  prisys  that  I  have  lost  wold  have  paid 
ther  chargys  for  4  or  5  monythys.  "  ^ 

'  Summonersor  apparitors  were  offi-  93,  gives  an  account  of  Inchcolm,  with 

cers  of  courts  of  law.     The  allusion  is,  three  illustrations, 

of  course,  to  pieces  of  artillery.  '  State  Papers,  Scotland,   Edw.  VI. 

^  Patten's  Expedition  into    Scotland  vol.  ii.  no.  5. 

of  Edward,  Duke  of  Somerset.     Dick-  *  Ibid.  no.  27. 
son's  Emeralds  chased  in  Gold,  pp.  37- 

144  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

In  another  letter  of  the  same  date,  he  describes  to 
the  Protector  Somerset  his  attempt  to  take  a  French 
ship  "  of  2  toppys  "  that  had  failed  to  get  into  harbour 
at  low  tide.  The  pinnace  from  Inchcolm  "  bett  herr 
wyth  herr  artyllerye  and  shotte  so  often  thoroghe  and 
alongeshypp  of  the  Frenche  menne  that  they  gave 
greate  cryes  wythynn  borde  and  ranne  herr  ashore 
agaynst  the  chapyl  att  Lythe,  where  the  pynnys  bett 
herr  still  thorow  wythyn  poynte  blancke,  and  had 
broft  herr  awaye  yf  hitt  hadd  nott  bynne  for  the 
number  of  botys  that  laye  under  the  Frenche  mannys 
foreship.  "  The  Scots  then  mounted  on  the  shore 
two  pieces  of  brass  and  ten  large  iron  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  so  drove  off  the  pinnace  and  her  boat.  The  ship 
was  towed  into  harbour  at  high  tide,  to  the  great 
disappointment  of  the  captain  of  Inchcolm,  who  be- 
lieved her  to  be  laden  with  wine  and  other  commodi- 
ties for  the  Governor  of  Leith.  ^ 

One  of  Sir  John  Luttrell's  great  difficulties  was  the 
want  of  fuel.  "  I  am,  "  he  writes,  "  macchyd  wythe 
suyche  stobborne  neyhbors  that  yf  I  be  a  colde,  they 
gyve  me  leve  [to]  blowe  my  fyngers,  whose  gentylnes, 
as  I  maye,  I  shall  ryght  well  accquytt,  and  the  better 
whenseover  hitt  shall  please  the  Concell  tapoynt  me 
wherwytheall."  ^  In  another  letter,  he  says  : —  "  I 
have  bynne  dryvenn  to  burne  too  botys,  to  cutt  downe 
and  burne  2  or  thre  lytell  treys  thatt  grew  aboute  the 
howse,  and  yett  yn  thend  have  benn  fayne  to  goo  to 
the  Fyfe  syde  to  scyrmyshe  wythe  them  for  to  gett 
owte  some  of  theyr  botes  to  burne,  wher  I  have  lost 
2  of  my  menn.  " 

On  the  arrival  of  an  English  ship,  the  Scots  with- 
drew, and  Sir  John  Luttrell  sent  away  all  the  pioneers, 

'  S.  p.  Scotland,   Edw.  VI.  vol.    ii.  '  27. 

no.  28. 

CH.  IV.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  145 

keeping  only  a  few  artificers  to  make  doors,  iron  work 
and  walls  to  support  platforms,  and  some  very 
"  simple  "  soldiers.  * 

In  November,  Lord  Grey  of  Wilton  ordered  the 
master  of  ordnance  at  Newcastle  to  send  certain  spe- 
cified munitions  to  Inchcolm,  but  some  of  them  got 
lost,  and  an  inventory  of  the  arms  on  the  island  des- 
cribes an  iron  culverin  as  "broken  at  the  mouth,"  and 
a  demi-culverin  as  "full  of  honycombes  and  blow,  " 
so  that  "none  dare  shute  it."^  At  the  end  of  the 
month,  the  Council  ordered  that  Sir  John  Luttrell 
should  be  reinforced  and  supplied  with  necessaries,  but 
that  he  should  be  told  to  use  the  Double  Rose  for  the 
time,  to  fortify  the  western  part  of  the  island,  and  to 
economize  his  powder.  ^  It  was  considered  very 
doubtful  whether,  in  the  winter,  provisions  could  be 
conveyed  from  the  Tay  to  Inchcolm  more  than  once 
a  month.  * 

On  the  8th  of  January  1548,  Lord  Grey  wrote  as 
follows  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  from  Wark worth  : — 

"  It  male  please  your  Grace.  It  hath  bene  by  dyvers 
showed  unto  me  of  the  forwardnes  of  service  of  Sir  John 
Luttrell.  And  having  this  present  daie  receyved  from  hym 
intelligence  of  his  proceedinges  in  those  parties,  I  thought 
good  to  signefie  thereof  to  your  Grace,  whereby  the  same 
maie  perceyve  howe  willingly  he  escueth  idelnes,  and  dayly 
studdyeth  for  thannoyance  of  his  yll  neighbours. 

"  Fyrst,  he  wryteth  howe  before  Crystmasse,  he  sent  a 
lytle  boote  he  hath,  wiche  roweth  with  six  cores,  unto  the 
north  ferry,  in  the  nyght,  where  he  tooke  the  ferrie  boote 
harde  from  the  towne,  wiche  boote  wyll  lande  well  80  men. 

"  He  wryteth  also  howe  twoo  daies  before  Crysmasse, 
he  landyd  at  Aberdoorie,  skyrmyshed  with  them  and  burnt 

»  S.  P.  Scotland,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  ii.  ^  Ibid.  no.  49. 

no.  28.  ''  Ibid.  no.  67  (iii). 

-  Ibid.  nos.  45,  51. 

146  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

a  house  harde  at  the  townes  ende  ;  but  the  contrey  came  so 
faste  upon  them  that  they  war  compelled  to  retyer. 

"  On  Crysmasse  dale  in  the  nyght,  he  gave  them  a 
camysado '  at  the  north  ferrye,  and  burnt  all  the  towne,  but 
most  parte  of  the  men  fled,  and  for  hast  lefte  there  geldinges 
behinde,  whiche  war  slayne  and  burnt  in  a  house  they  thought 
to  kepe. 

"  The  thirde  daie  after  Christmasse,  he  landyd  at  Burnt 
Ilande  and  brent  certayne  bootes  in  the  pyer  and  all  suche 
howses  as  they  had  newe  buylt  there,  where  he  had  three 
prowde  onsettes  gyven  by  the  Skottes  ;  yet  he  repulsed 
them,  and  at  the  same  [time]  slewe  1 6  of  them  and,  as  he 
thinke,  many  hurte  with  shott  ;  after  the  wiche  he  went  to 
a  castle  that  standeth  on  the  weste  parte  of  the  ilande,  and 
out  of  the  same  there  rendered  unto  hym  a  riche  man  and 
his  Sonne  who  dwelled  in  it,  and  hath  brought  them  both 
with  hym,  and  had  the  hoole  spoyll  of  the  house,  and  so 
retorned  and  mett  with  one  hundreth  freshe  Skottes  wiche 
cam  from  Kynghorne,  thinking  to  have  putt  our  men  from 
there  bootes,  but  they  safely  embarked  and  with  there  shott 
hurte  and  slewe  dyvers  of  the  Skottes  ;  and  of  our  men 
twoo  hurte. "  ^ 

One  may  wonder  that  it  was  thought  worth  while 
to  trouble  the  Protector  with  such  petty  details,  but 
they  are  of  some  interest  as  illustrations  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  English  were  trying  to  subdue 
the  Scots.  Thomas  Wyndham,  Sir  John  Luttrell's 
half-uncle,  distinguished  himself  by  burning  a  con- 
vent, and  bringing  away  the  nuns  and  the  gentlemen's 
daughters  who  were  at  school  there.  ^ 

Various  provisions  were  thrown  into  Inchcolm  in 
the  winter,  but,  in  February  1548,  it  was  resolved  to 
evacuate  the  place,  and  the  garrison  had  a  stormy 
voyage  thence  to  Broughty  Craig  on  board  the  Mary 
Hamborough.  * 

'  Camisado,  an  attack  in  one's  shirt,  no.  5. 
i.e.  a  night  attack.     New  English  Diet-  ^  Ibid.  no.  2. 

ionarv,  vol.  ii.  i  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  nos.  57,  65  ;  vol.  Hi. 

'  S.  P.  Scotland,  Edw.  VI.  vol.   iii.  nos.  10,  69. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  147 

On  the  6th  of  March,  Sir  John  Luttrell  writes  to 
the  Duke  of  Somerset  : — 

"  Accordinge  unto  your  plesure  by  yowr  late  letters 
adresyd,  1  have  ruynatyd  the  fortyfycatyonne  off  Combys 
Ynche  and  the  howse  ther  bothe  in  suyche  sorte  as  thenymye 
shall  by  the  same  nether  receyve  comodyte  ner  force  ;  and 
frome  thence  aryvyd  yn  thys  ryver  off  Taye  the  fyrst  of 
Marche,  wythe  suyche  munytyon,  vytayle,  planke  and 
tymber  as  I  myght  thenn  transporte,  havynge  so  lytell  stoage 
for  the  same,  for  wher  the  vyz  admirall  here  hadd  apoyntyd 
certeyne  plates  or  hoyes  unto  me  for  to  shyppe  the  same, 
on  of  the  gretyst  burdyn  of  thos  toke  another  course  ynto 
sume  part  of  Ynglonde,  by  reason  wherof  I  was  enforcyd 
as  well  to  burne  suyche  tymber  and  planke  as  I  was  ther 
dryvyne  to  leve,  and  a  portyon  of  byscet,  cheyse  and  here, 
wyche  yndede  was  suyche  and  so  yll  as  no  manne  myght 
occupye.  "  ^ 

He  was  destined  for  the  command  of  Dundee,  but 
on  going  there  with  Sir  Thomas  Palmer,  he  found 
that  it  would  not  be  practicable  to  make  such  a 
citadel  as  would  dominate  the  town.  Accordingly, 
he  was  put  in  charge  of  a  new  fort  on  a  hill  near 
Broughty  Craig.  In  writing  on  the  subject  to  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  he  describes  himself  "  as  on  that 
nether  have  respecte  to  placys  nor  what  paynys  I  take 
in  cacys  wher  I  do  the  Kinges  majeste  servys  and 
content  your  Grace. "  ^  Two  days  later,  he  says  —  "I 
truste  I  shall  employe  myselfe  so  yn  settyng  forwarde 
of  the  workes  as  shalbe  to  your  Gracys  contentatyonne, 
not  dowting  butt  that  I  shall  yelde  a  good  accompt 
of  the  same,  yf  famyn  do  not  more  hurt  thenne  feare 
of  other  attemptes.  "  ^ 

On  the  iith  of  April,  he  writes  to  Sir  Thomas 
Holcroft   and  Sir  Francis   Leake,  asking  for  supplies 

'  S.  p.  Scotland,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  iii.  ^  Ibid.  vol.  v.  no.  3  (misplaced). 

no.  68.  '  Ibid.  no.  5  (misplaced). 

148  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  iv. 

of  biscuit,  beer,  butter,  horses,  carts,  masons  and 
money.  '  On  the  last  day  of  the  month,  he  pours 
forth  his  grievances  to  the  Protector  : — 

"  Wheras  hytt  aperyd  unto  me  by  yowr  Gracys  letters 
addressyd  unto  me  by  my  brother  and  beringe  date  the  22 
of  Februarye  thatt  artyffycers  were  comandyd  hyther  att 
that  present,  may  hytt  pleas  your  Grace  to  understand  ther 
ys  nott  one  aryvyd  here  as  yett,  besyde  the  want  of  whome 
the  gretyst  laccke  of  all  ys  nott  as  yett  suplyed,  wyche  ys  of 
vyttallys,  spetyallye  of  byscett  and  drinke,  I  meane  suyche 
proportyone  as  ys  requysit  for  a  somer's  store,  and,  sondrye 
wyndes  bringe  overslypt,  ther  ys  yett  no  hope  of  their  aryvall 
herr  untyll  the  last  howre,  and  thenn  how  the  wynd  and 
passage  shall  prove  yowr  Grace  know  ys  dowtfull. 

"  I  cannot  butt  jugge  a  great  fawt  yn  yowr  Gracys  mynes- 
ters  and  comysyoners  of  the  northe  part,  wheryn  yf  remedye 
be  no  hadd,  all  my  travaylle  here  maye  lytell  suffyce.  " 

"  Whatt  commodyte  is  ther  fownde  yn  the  raysynge  of  the 
bulwerkes  here  and  turfynge  of  the  same,  whenn,  for  the 
laccke  of  a  few  masons  and  nessessarys  for  them,  the  same 
fallys  dayle  downe  and  fyllys  the  dykes  agayne,  as  even 
presently  the  ester  part  of  the  northe  est  bullwerke  ys  fallyn 
downe,  with  suyche  abundance  of  yerthe  that  the  powre  of 
a  hundrythe  cannons  could  nott  make  a  more  perillus 
breache  ? " 

"  The  powre  soldyers  here  ar  enforcyd  to  suyche  a  nyght- 
lye  wacche  and  dayle  travayll  withall  as  I  darr  saye  yn  tyme 
of  seyge  ytt  canne  be  no  whytt  greater,  by  reasone  wherof 
they  tall  dayle  syccke,  so  as  att  thys  present  there  ys  yn  the 
fort  and  castell  welner  a  hundrythe  syccke  and  not  able  to 

come  unto  the  wallys Consyder  the  travayle  of  the  powre 

menn  havinge  nothinge  butt  salt  meates.  " 

"  As  for  my  part,  yf  hytt  wolde  pleas  yowr  Grace  tapoynt 
a  manne  of  suyche  dyscretion  as  yow  myght  better  trust,  I 
wolde  rather  trayle  the  pyke  agayne  as  a  soldyer  under  hyme 
then  havinge  charge  and  wantynge  credytt.  " 

"  Besyde  the  lose  of  fortyfynge  for  laccke  wherwithall,  I 
canne  neyther  have  powder,  ledd,  nor  any  other  want   sup- 

'  S.  p.  Scotland,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  iv.  no.  7. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  149 

plyed  thatt  I  have  wryttenn  for.  As  for  herkebusys,  here  ys 
not  thre  able  to  serve  nor  one  thatt  wylbe  sent.  " 

"  Macche  the  powre  menn  have  benne  enforcyd  to  make 
of  ther  shyrtes,  welnere  thys  3  monythys,  and  not  yett  sent. 
Monytyone  also  for  fyar  worke  nor  cresset  lyght  I  canne 
gett  none,  to  se  the  dykes  cleryd  yn  the  nyght,  werbye  the 
Scottys  come  nyghtly  ynto  my  dykes.  " 

"  I  am  suar  yi  yowr  Grace  knew  how  the  powre  soldyers 
here  ar  dyscoragyd  with  ther  aforsayd  travayle  and  myserye, 
yow  wold  bothe  of  yowr  pryncelye  goodnes  pyte  them,  and 
dowt  the  ynconvenyence  thatt  may  folowe  of  hytt.  Thaye 
saye  they  have  servyd  18  monythes  and  never  hadd 
throghe  paye,  which  ys  a  great  tyme.  I  am,  yowr  Grace 
knowys,  butt  one  manne  amonges  them,  and  nottwith- 
standinge  thatt  I  have  and  do  kepe  them  yn  suyche  awe  and 
obedyence  thatt  thaye  darr  nott  utter  ther  seccrett  murmur- 
inges,  I  am  fayne  to  seme  nott  to  hyar  all,  and,  havinge 
myselfe  the  same  want  thay  have,  they  ar  content  to  take 
lyke  paynys  with  me,  for  ther  purse  and  table  ys  bothe  fur- 
nyshyd  as  myne  ys,  and  bycawse  they  se  I  am  also  partaker  of 
ther  wacche  and  travayle,  thay  do  the  lesse  complayne.  " 

"  I  wold  wyshe  yowr  Grace  shuld  send  rather  att  the  fyrst 
200  menne  to  myche  thenn  so  many  to  few.  I  juge  400 
handsome  soldyers,  and  all  haccbuters  were  with  the  lest, 
besyde  on  hundrythe  masons,  wherof  50  quaryers,  and  good 
store  of  pycckaxys,  with  style  and  ashe  ynoghe  for  helvys 
(handles),  all  manner  of  other  monytyon  lykewyse,  as  barows, 
bascekettes,  crowys  and  2  able  fornyshed  cartes  with  horsys, 
att  the  last  2  or  thre  hoyes  also  laden  with  strawe,  with 
wyche  I  wyll   rayse   the  utter  part  of  the  worke  att  lest 

5  fote The  Scottes  and  Frenchemenne  here  determyne 

to  take  hytt  owt  of  hande.  " 

"  Thabbott  of  Pasle  came  hyther  with  2  anseynys  of 
Frenchemenn  frome  Jedworthe  to  scale  the  forte,  and  broght 
with  hyme  all  hys  adherentes  off  Fyfe,  so  thatt,  as  1  exteme, 
with  Frenche  and  Scottys,  they  were  2  thowsand  fotemenn  and 
500  horse,  which  thaye  preparyd  to  kepe  the  pasage  betwyne 
the  fort  and  the  castell,  to  thend  thatt  whenn  the  powder  here 
shuld  have  benne  brent,  ther  myght  no  freshe  relyfe  be  hadd 
from  benethe.     Whenn  the  howre  apoyntyd  came,  I  had 

1 50  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

preparyd  2  demy  barrelles  of  powder,  wich  I  fyryd  yn  the 
dyke,  with  wich  the  Scottys  gave  a  sodenne  showte  ;  butt 
whenn  they  should  have  come  to  the  sawt  (assault),  as  farr 
as  we  withyn  myght  understand,  thaye  begann  to  stryve  who 
shuld  come  fyrst,  and  nott  beinge  agreyd  therapponne  thay 
thoght  hytt  better  to  retyre  agayne  with  wett  cotes  thenn  to 
cleme  wallys,  and  so  retyryd ;  my  lorde  of  Dunkelles  lorde- 
shipp  being  myche  ashamyd  hys  empryse  (enterprise)  toke 
no  better  succes.  And  yn  dede  I  sent  hyme  suyche  a 
moccke  the  same  mornynge  by  my  drome  to  Dunde  thatt  hys 
sprytuall  patyence  was  myche  ofendyd  withall.  "  ^ 

On  the  20th  of  June,  Sir  John  Luttrell  wrote  to  the 
Protector  in  much  better  spirits,  having  been  abund- 
antly furnished  w^ith  victuals  for  the  fort  and  for  the 
castle  alike.  Although  the  supply  of  drink  was  not 
altogether  satisfactory,  he  was  able  to  husband  it, 
having  abundance  of  good  water.  Sixteen  galleys 
and  "  a  bryggandyn,  havinge  a  lytell  Scottyshe  bote 
for  ther  gyde  "  had  recently  anchored  off  the  coast  of 
Fife,  and  he  had  greeted  them  with  "  the  fyrst  salve, 
wyche  the  lykyd  so  yll  "  that  they  withdrew.  He 
had  been  daily  "  attendyd  "  by  500  or  600  horsemen 
and  such  footmen  as  the  neighbourhood  could  supply, 
but  he  had  given  them  such  "  playe  "  that  they  would 
not  come  within  a  mile  of  the  fort,  whence  he  could 
not  be  provoked  to  sally  forth  to  skirmish  with 
them.  He  had  turfed  the  new  works  so  high  that 
they  could  not  be  approached  without  ladders,  and  he 
had  "  platformyd  "  the  castle  towards  the  water,  and 
"  vamuryd  hitt  with  fayre  lopys  6  fote  thycke."  The 
fort  must  have  been  of  some  size,  as  two  "  plowys 
and  oxen"  and  eighteen  horses  that  he  had  seized  were 
constantly  employed  in  carrying  turf.  ^ 

>  S.P.  Scotland,   Edw.  VI.   vol.   iv.  ■  Ibid.  no.  38. 

no.  14. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  151 

Lord  Grey  of  Wilton  was  not  so  well  satisfied,  for 
he  wrote  on  the  25  th  of  the  same  month  : — 

"  I  have  dyvers  tymes  requyred  Sir  John  Luttrell  that,  in 
the  depeche  of  his  souldiours  or  laborers,  he  wolde  eyther 
paie  them  throughly  or  sende  me  worde  of  the  true  debte 
unto  them,  so  as  nether  the  poore  may  be  enwronged,  nor 
the  Kinges  majestie  further  burdened  then  reason  is,  and  yet 
now  agayne  here  is  arryved  30  or  40  poore  laborers,  syckly 
and  weake,  who  saith  they  be  not  payd  any  one  peny  syns  I 
sent  them  thither,  nor  bring  with  them  any  pasporte  or  other 
declaration  of  their  due.  "  ^ 

On  the  other  hand  the  Protector  highly  commended 
Sir  John  Luttrell's  good  service,  and  empowered  him 
to  treat  with  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  who,  it  was  thought, 
might  be  tempted  by  promises  of  English  gold.  ^ 

In  the  autumn  of  i  548,  Luttrell  had  several  sharp 
skirmishes  with  Sir  David  Graham  of  Fintrie  and 
other  neighbours,  and  killed  a  considerable  number  of 
the  soldiers  and  townsmen  who  were  holding  Dundee. 
In  one  of  his  forays,  he  captured  the  eldest  son  and  the 
nephew  of  the  laird  of  Panmure,  ten  hakbutters,  more 
than  700  "  white  beasts  "  and  1 20  "  horned  beasts.  "  ' 

On  the  7th  of  November,  some  English  ships  in  the 
Tay  landed  men  at  Dundee  and,  with  assistance  from 
Sir  John  Luttrell,  drove  out  the  townsmen.  As  soon, 
however,  as  the  soldiers  began  to  loot  the  place,  James 
Dogge  fell  upon  them  and  drove  them  out  in  turn, 
with  a  loss  of  thirty  killed.  The  English  recaptured 
the  town  the  next  day,  but  abandoned  it  very  shortly.  * 

On  the  3rd  of  December,  the  Earl  of  Angus  and 
the  Rhinegrave,  with  50  lances  and  200  light  horse- 
men, appeared  before  Broughty  Craig,  and  Sir  John 

•  S.P.   Scotland,  Edw.  VI.   vol.   iv.      Vhistoire  de  I'Ecosse,  vol.  i.  p.  195. 

no.  40.  *  S.P.   Scotland,   Edw.    VI.  vol.  iv. 

*  Ibid.  no.  45.  ,  nos.  114,  115,  118. 
2  Teulet,   Papiers  d'Etat   relatifs  a 

152  A   HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

Luttrcll,  "  seeing  that  they  sought  some  pastime,  " 
sallied  out  with  thirty  horse  and  some  footmen.  After 
some  skirmishing,  the  Rhinegrave  retired  and  tried  to 
lead  the  English  into  an  ambush.  Luttrell  had,  how- 
ever, foreseen  such  a  scheme  and  had  stationed  some 
signalmen  in  the  fort,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  Duly  informed  by  them,  he  retired  to  a  hill 
and  there  gallantly  defended  himself  against  superior 
numbers  until  reinforcements,  hidden  behind  the  hill, 
came  up.  The  enemy  were  thus  caught  in  the  trap 
which  they  had  prepared  for  him.  Panic-stricken  they 
fled,  and  their  leaders  could  not  induce  them  to  stop 
until  they  were  safe  within  the  town  of  Dundee. 
The  pursuit  would  have  been  more  effective  if  the 
English  captain  had  had  more  than  thirty  horsemen, 
but  nevertheless  he  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  day's  work.  A  young  French  gentleman  was 
found  dead  on  the  field.  Eighteen  of  the  Germans 
met  their  fate  in  the  river  Dighty  and  many  more  on 
dry  land.  Sixteen  of  them  and  two  Scots  were  taken 
prisoners.  Many,  including  the  Rhinegrave  himself, 
were  wounded.  The  details  of  this  affair  come,  curi- 
ously enough,  from  a  Spanish  source.  ^ 

The  last  of  Sir  John  Luttrell's  letters  that  has  been 
preserved  is  an  urgent  application  for  leave  of  absence, 
written  at  Broughty  on  the  22nd  of  January  1549, 
and  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset  : — 

"  I  have  receyved,  with  the  last  convoye  of  victualles  that 
cam  hether,  a  letter  from  my  mother,  wich  I  have  sent  yower 
Grace  enclosed  herein,  to  thend  that,  seing  the  good  offer 
she  hath  made  me  for  thadvauncement  of  my  poore  levyng, 
it  might  the  rather  please  yower  Grace's  pryncelye  honour  to 
fordre  me  therin.  Wich  doing,  I  shall  be  the  abler  to  serve 
the  Kynges  majestie  and  yower  Grace,  as  one  that  dowteth 

'  Teulet,  pp.  202-204. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  153 

not  to  shewe  myself  so  as  yower  Grace  shall  perseyve  both 
that  and  all  the  rest  that  I  possesse  shall  be  bent  alwayes  unto 
his  maister's  servyce — so  as  it  might  please  yower  Grace  to 
serve  hyr  fanceye  and  my  commodyte  at  thys  tyme  for  my 
commyng  home  presentlye. 

"  And  because  yower  Grace  shall  the  better  perceyve  the 
offer  that  she  hath  made  me,  may  it  please  yower  Grace  to 
understand  that  the  manor  of  Myniett  (Minehead)  that  she 
promyseth  me,  is  120/  by  the  yeere,  besydes  that  hyr  joynter 
is  almost  300  marke  with  hyr  demeynes,  as  I  gesse  it,  wich 
wyll  be,  as  yower  Grace  maye  consydre,  a  great  advauncement 
of  my  poore  levyng,  besyde  the  helpe  that  I  shall  procure  at 
hyr  handes,  and  my  mother  in  lawes,  for  the  payment  of  my 
dettes,  wich  if  I  shold  not  take  now  when  it  is  offred  me,  I 
never  loke  to  come  unto  it.  For  iff  shee  shold  take  a  fancye 
in  hyr  head  to  marrye,  I  were  utterlye  undone  !  " 

"  Notwithstandyng  my  busynes  with  my  mother,  1  wyll  in 
the  meane  tyme  so  furnyssh  myselfe  with  horse  and  harnes 
that,  in  the  begyning  of  this  somer,  my  trust  is  I  wyll  be  in 
as  good  order  to  serve  yower  Grace  in  the  feld  as  no  gentyl- 
man,  I  trust,  in  all  Ingland  shall  be  better  of  my  abyllyte 
and  power. 

"  Humblye  desyryng  yower  Grace  in  the  meane  tyme  to 
heere  my  humble  sute,  for,  besyde  the  goodnes  of  my  mother 
unto  me,  1  have  a  great  deale  of  monye  to  paye  unto  my 
creditours,  for  whome  I  must  provyde  payment,  or  other- 
wyse  it  wyll  be  more  to  my  dyspleasure  then  I  maye  well 
beare.  "  ^ 

Dame  Margaret  Luttrell's  letter,  which  w^as  en- 
closed in  the  preceding,  has  disappeared,  but  we  may 
fairly  infer  that  she  had  offered  to  clear  the  manor  of 
Minehead  of  the  charge  which  her  husband,  Sir 
Andrew  Luttrell,  had  made  upon  it  for  the  benefit 
of  his  younger  children.  ^  It  seems  clear  that  Sir 
John  Luttrell  was  not  allowed  to  leave  his  post  even 
for  a  few  months.  He  was  trusted  as  a  diplomatist 
no  less  than  as  a  soldier,  and,  in  March  1549,  he  was 

'  Hamilton  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  627.  p.  42;  D.C.M.  xxix.  28. 

^  Somerset  Medieval  Wills,   vol.  iii. 

154  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

appointed  one  of  the  two  English  commissioners  to 
treat  with  the  Earls  of  Argyll,  Athol  and  Errol  and 
others,  with  a  view  to  the  expulsion  of  the  French 
from  Scotland,  and  a  marriage  between  Edward  the 
Sixth  and  Queen  Mary.'  The  negotiation,  how^ever, 
came  to  nothing.  ^  The  last  of  Sir  John  Luttrell's 
exploits  seems  to  have  been  a  raid  in  which  he  burned 
several  villages  and  took  prisoner  a  certain  Monsieur 
de  Toge,  as  recorded  in  the  journal  of  the  young 
English  King.  ^ 

In  the  early  part  of  1550,  the  Scots  resolved  to 
make  a  serious  attack  upon  Broughty  Craig.  Al- 
though described  as  "  behind  the  age  both  in  the  rais- 
ing and  the  besieging  of  fortified  places,  "  they  were 
encouraged  and  aided  by  their  more  experienced  allies 
from  France.  *  The  sequel  may  be  given  in  the  words 
of  a  Scottish  chronicler  : — 

"  Monsieur  de  Thermes,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Gov- 
ernour,  quha  accompaneit  him  in  all  his  interprices,  came 
forduarte  to  the  toune  of  Dundie  in  the  beginning  of 
Fabruar  ;  quhair  having  prepared  sic  thingis  as  wes  necessar 
for  the  seiging  of  the  fort,  he  laid  the  battre  thairto  apoun 
the  south  eist  pairt  thairof,  and  cuttit  away  all  moyens,  pas- 
sages and  intelligences  betuix  the  fort  and  the  castell  of 
Broughtie,  so  the  fort  culd  haif  no  kinde  of  ayd  nor  releyf 
frome  the  sey  ;  and  eftir  the  same  was  doung  doun  with 
gret  ordinance,  the  assailt  was  gevin  thairto,  baithe  with  the 
Scottis  and  Frenche  men  the  xx  day  of  Fabruar  ;  quhair 
the  Inglismen  maid  resistance  and  defence  at  the  first  entering, 
bot  thay  war  so  curageouslie  and  stoutlie  assailyet  that  thai  war 
dung  frome  the  wallis,  and  the  most  part  of  thame  all  quhilk 
was  within  the  fort  war  slayne,  and  the  rest  taikin  presoners. 

"  The  nixt  day,  the  Inglismen  quha  kepit  the  castell  of 
Broughtie,  fering  the  like  to   cum  to  thame,   randerit   the 

'  S.P.   Scotland,    Edw.   VI.   vol.   v.  ^  Burnet's  History  of  the  Rcjormation. 

nos.  12,  13.  ^  Burton's  History  of  Scotland,  (ed. 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Scotland,  1897)  vol.  iii.  p.  278. 
^547-Jj6j.  p.  xvi. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  155 

castell,  having  onlie  thair  liffis  saif.     So  that  haill  cuntrey 
wes  clenged  of  the  Inglismen  immediatlie.  "  ^ 

The  less  circumstantial  English  chroniclers  antedate 
the  fall  of  Broughty  Craig  by  a  couple  of  months, 
and  state  that  the  Scots  slew  all  its  defenders  except 
Sir  John  Luttrell,  whom  they  took  prisoner.  ^  This 
is  clearly  an  exaggeration,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
the  avenging  Scots  scandalized  their  foreign  allies  by 
their  unwillingness  to  give  any  quarter.  ^ 

The  English  government  did  not  fail  the  captive 
in  his  time  of  trouble.  As  early  as  the  5  th  of  March, 
the  Council  at  Westminster  ordered  the  Warden  of 
the  East  and  Middle  Marches  "  to  do  what  he  can 
for  the  delyvery  of  Mr.  Luttrell,  and,  at  his  arryval, 
to  helpe  him  with  money  for  his  cummyng,  which 
shalbe  repayed.  "  Two  days  later,  they  issued  a  war- 
rant for  no  less  than  400/.  "  for  the  raunsom  of  Mr. 
Luttrell  and  others  taken  at  Browghty  Crag.  "  * 

Furthermore,  at  the  end  of  the  same  month,  it  was 
resolved  that  three  Gordons,  who  were  hostages  for 
important  Scotsmen,  should  be  delivered  to  Thomas 
Wyndham  "  to  be  by  him  conveyed  to  Sir  John 
Luttrell  for  his  relief.  "  ^  Wyndham,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, was  Sir  John's  half-uncle. 

The  late  captain  of  Broughty  Craig  was  in  due 
course  released  from  captivity,  and,  in  June  1550,  the 
Council  resolved  : — 

"  That  Sir  John  Luttrell,  in  consideration  of  the  notable 
good  service  he  hath  doone  unto  the  Kinges  Majistie  during 
all  his  warres,  shall  have  landes  to  the  value  of  100  markes 
by  the  yere  during  his  Highnes  pleasure.  "  '^ 

'  Lesley's  History  of  Scotland,  p.  251.       ii.  pp.   406,   407.  Knights  were  often 

*  HaywaTd'sLifcandrcigno/Edwai'd      styled  "Mr."  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
VI.  in  Kennett's  Complete  History,  vol.  ^  Ibid.  p.  421. 

ii,  p.  291;  Stowe's  ^«na/s,  p.  601.  ^  Ibid.   vol.  iii.  p.   58;  Patent  Roll, 

^  Burton,  p.  279.  4  Edw.  VI.  part  5  ;  D.C.M.  xxxvii.  27. 

*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  N.S.  vol. 

156  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

Although  defeated,  he  was  in  no  sense  disgraced, 
and,  later  in  the  year,  he  extracted  from  the  govern- 
ment no  less  than  3,200/.  for  "  the  waiges  of  himself 
and  his  souldiours  in  the  Northe.  " ' 

There  is  at  Dunster  Castle  a  most  interesting  pic- 
ture on  panel  commemorative  of  Sir  John  Luttrell's 
rectitude  and  courage  in  adversity.  It  represents  him 
as  half  immersed  in  the  sea,  not  far  from  a  man-of-war 
flying  the  red  cross  of  St  George,  but  in  a  desperate 
condition,  struck  by  lightning  and  in  flames.  He  is 
wading  ashore,  without  any  clothes  except  a  large 
scarf  tied  round  his  right  arm  which  he  holds  upright, 
with  the  fist  clenched.  A  bracelet  round  the  wrist  of 
this  arm  is  inscribed  : —  "  Nee Jiexit  lucrum,  '^SS'^'>  " 
while  the  corresponding  bracelet  on  the  left  arm  is 
inscribed  : —     "  Nee  f regit  discrimen. 

In  a  cloud  above  is  a  group  of  female  figures.  The 
largest  of  them,  as  naked  as  Sir  John  himself,  is  laying 
her  left  hand  on  his  outstretched  arm,  and  holding  in 
the  right  a  sprig  of  olive.  The  others  hold  respect- 
ively a  peacock,  a  breastplate,  a  helmet,  a  sword, 
a  purse,  and  a  horse.  On  a  rock  below  there  is  the 
following  inscription  : — 

"  More  the  the  rock  amydys  the  raging  seas, 
The  constat  hert  no  dager  dreddys  nor  fearys, 

s.  I.  L." 

Lower  on  the  rock  is  the  date  "  1550  "  and  the 
monogram  of  the  painter  "  IE.  " 

This  monogram,  the  allegorical  character  of  the 
picture,  and  the  execution  alike  show  it  to  be  the 
work  of  Lucas  d'Heere.  The  date,  however,  presents 
some  difficulty,  inasmuch  as  this  artist  is  stated  to  have 
been  born  at   Ghent  in  1534,  so  that   he  would  have 

'  Ads  of  the  Privy  Council,  pp.  io6,  135,  243. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  157 

been  only  sixteen  years  of  age  in  1550.  ^  An  ingenious 
theory  that  the  date  should  read  "  1558,  "  part  of  the 
last  figure  having  been  obliterated,  proves  on  examin- 
ation altogether  untenable.^  Sir  John  Luttrell  was  not 
living  in  1558  ;  a  replica  of  the  picture  at  Badmon- 
disfield  Hall  in  Suffolk  bears  the  earlier  date  ;  and  a 
portrait  by  Lucas  d'Heere  of  Thomas  Wyndham,  Sir 
John  Luttrell's  half-uncle,  at  Longford  Castle,  is  in- 
scribed "  ^TATis  XLii.  MDL.  "  It  is  possiblc  that 
both  the  pictures  were  painted  by  order  of  Dame 
Margaret  Luttrell  some  time  after  1550,  in  order  to 
commemorate  the  valour  displayed  by  her  son  and  her 
half-brother  in  the  war  of  that  year.  On  the  whole, 
however,  it  is  far  more  probable  that  there  is  an  error 
as  to  the  date  of  the  birth  of  Lucas  d'Heere,  and  that 
he  painted  these  companions  in  arms  from  life  soon 
after  their  return  from  Scotland  in  1550. 

Before  very  long,  the  picture  at  Dunster  was  slightly 
altered  by  the  addition  of  the  head  of  a  drowning  man 
and  other  minor  accessories,  with  two  Latin  couplets 
on  the  rock  : — 

"  Effigiem  renovare  tuam^  fortisstme  miles^ 
Ingens  me  meritum  fecit  amorque  tui^ 
Nam  nisi  curasses  heredem  scrihere  fratrem^ 
Hei^  tua  contigerant  prcedia  nulla  mihi, 
1591.      G.L.  " 

The  best  translation  ofthehnes  yet  offered  runs  : — 

"  Your  great  desert  and  my  regard  for  you 
Cause  me,  brave  knight,  your  portrait  to  renew. 
For  had  you  not  your  brother  made  your  heir, 
None  of  your  lands  had  fallen  to  my  share.  " 

The  initials  of  the  restorer  are  those  of  George 
Luttrell  of  Dunster  Castle,  nephew  of  Sir  John.     The 

'  Van  Mander,  Le  Livre  clcs  Peiiit-  '  Mr.  Lionel  Cust,   in  Atcliaeologia, 

res.  vol.  liv.  p.  77. 

158  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

additions  are  not  to  be  seen  on  the  replica  at  Badmon- 
disfield  Hall,  which  must  consequently  be  anterior  to 
I  591.  It  may  have  been  painted  for  one  of  Sir  John 
Luttrell's  daughters,  but  nothing  is  known  about  its 

Writing  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
Thomas  Palmer  of  Fairfield  notices  the  portrait  of  Sir 
John  Luttrell  at  Dunster,  and  mentions  a  tradition  then 
current  that  it  referred  to  his  "  having  saved  a  certain 
lady  from  drowning,  whom  he  was  then  in  love 
with,  and  afterwards  married.  "  ^  Later  on,  Collinson 
quotes  these  words  from  the  manuscript  on  which  he 
so  largely  relies,  but  suppresses  the  fact  that  Palmer 
did  not  believe  the  story.  ^  Lastly,  Savage,  accepting 
it  implicitly,  makes  matters  even  worse  by  saying  that 
the  lady  is  represented  as  secured  to  the  man's  arm  by 
a  handkerchief,  and  that  a  figure  of  victory  "  appears 
as  if  ready  to  crown  him  with  laurel.  "  ^  Victory, 
forsooth,  after  the  disaster  at  Broughty  Craig  !  Suffice 
it  to  observe  that  the  picture  does  not  show  any  crown 
of  laurel,  that  the  only  drowning  figure  (added  in  1591) 
is  that  of  a  man  with  a  large  moustache,  and  that  Sir 
John  Luttrell  had  been  married  some  seven  years 
before  the  date  inscribed.  The  romantic  story  and 
the  erroneous  description  of  the  picture  are  alike 
characteristic  of  the  period  to  which  they  belong. 

After  three  centuries  and  a  half,  one  cannot  be  cer- 
tain of  understanding  every  allusion  in  this  allegorical 
picture,  and  one  may  easily  credit  its  author  with 
ideas  that  never  passed  through  his  brain.  The  gen- 
eral meaning  of  it  is,  however,  clear  enough.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  suppose  that  Sir  John  Luttrell  ever 
sufi'ered  actual  shipwreck.      The  year  1550  witnesses 

'  ^^IS.  at  St.  Audiies.  3  Hisiory  of  the  Hundred   of  Car- 

'  History  oj  Somerset,  vol.  ii,  p.  12.  Hampton,  p.  445. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  159 

the  wreck  of  the  English  cause  in  Scotland.  Sir  John 
Luttrell,  one  of  its  chief  representatives,  is  a  prisoner, 
denuded  of  all  that  he  values  most.  He  does  not, 
however,  give  way  to  unseemly  grief.  No  offer  of 
lucre  can  turn  him  from  his  duty  ;  no  danger  can 
break  his  lofty  spirit.  In  a  sea  of  misfortune  he 
stands  erect.  The  rainbow  of  hope  appears  in  the  sky 
and  the  darkest  cloud  shows  a  silver  lining.  The 
goddess  of  peace  takes  him  by  the  arm  and  holds  forth 
a  sprig  of  olive  symbolical  of  the  treaty  concluded 
between  England  and  Scotland.  Behind  her  stand  her 
satellites,  ready  to  restore  to  the  hero  all  that  he  has 
recently  lost.  ^ 

If  the  letters  '  S.I.L. '  stand  for  English  words,  they 
may  be  taken  to  represent  the  name  of  the  subject  of 
the  portrait.  Sir  John  Luttrell.  If  on  the  other  hand 
they  stand  for  Latin  words,  an  interpreter  has  a  wide 
field  before  him,  sententia,  simulacrum,  somnium  and 
other  nouns  being  possible  extensions  of  the  first  letter. 

Although  Sir  John  Luttrell  was  often  in  want  of 
money  wherewith  to  pay  his  soldiers,  there  is  little 
foundation  for  Collinson's  statement  that,  being  "  ex- 
tremely desirous  of  glory,  "  he  "  greatly  wasted  the 
fair  patrimony  which  descended  to  him  from  his 
ancestors,  selling  great  part  of  his  demesnes  at  Dunster, 
Kilton  and  elsewhere.  "  ^  A  mortgage  that  he  had 
made  of  Minehead  Park  was,  indeed,  foreclosed  by  his 
cousin  Hugh  Stewkley,  a  grasping  lawyer,  but  Dame 
Margaret  Luttrell  intended  to  pay  it  off,  and  Stewk- 
ley was  charged  with  behaving  dishonestly  in  the 
matter.  ^     The  property  thus  lost  consisted  of  two 

1  The  peacock  may  perhaps  be  an  the  scarf  had  some  definite  meaning, 
extended  version  of  the  Luttrell  crest.  ^  History  of  Somerset,  vol  ii.  p.  12. 

Dr.  Warre  thinks  that  it  suggests  the  ^  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  H.  106,  no. 

presence  of  Juno.     He  also  sees  a  true  55;  Chancery  Proceedings,  Series  II, 

lover's  knot  in  the  arrangement  of  the  bundle  113,  no.  76;  D.C.M.  xxi.x  37. 
scarf.     There  can  be  little  doubt  that 

i6o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

hundred  acres  of  agricultural  land  which  had  ceased 
to  be  maintained  as  a  park  in  the  time  of  Sir  Andrew 
Luttrell.  •     The  name,  however,  still  survives. 

Kilton  Park  was,  in  1553,  merely  a  wood  of  about 
a  hundred  acres  "  well  sett  with  okes  and  yonge 
ashes.  "  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell  had  at  that  time 
the  enjoyment  of  the  park  at  East  Quantockshead  of 
the  same  size,  enclosed  with  a  pale  and  containing 
about  a  hundred  deer.  Marshwood  Park,  enclosed 
partly  by  a  ditch  and  hedge  and  partly  by  a  pale, 
comprised  a  hundred  acres  and  maintained  a  hundred 
deer.  Thomas  Wyndham  already  mentioned  had  a 
lease  of  it  for  sixty  years,  at  a  nominal  rent  during 
his  own  lifetime.  The  only  park  in  Sir  John  Luttrell's 
own  hands  was  that  below  his  castle,  comprising 
seventy-two  acres,  of  which  only  twenty  were  in  the 
old  manor  of  Dunster,  Great  Avelham  and  twelve  acres 
"  on  the  sowest  syde  of  the  water  "  being  reckoned  as 
part  of  the  manor  of  Carhampton.  Here  there  were 
fifty  deer  and  "  dyvers  great  okes,  elmes  and  ashes,  " 
which,  if  near  together,  would  have  occupied  four 
acres  out  of  the  twenty  acres  in  the  Hanger.  ^ 

Among  the  muniments  at  Dunster  Castle  there  is  a 
small  memorandum  on  parchment  with  regard  to 
swan-upping,  as  follows  : — 

"  S--   John  Lutterell.  §2!         ^^^Z     "^ 

"  S""  Andrew  Lutterell. 


These  were  the  markes  which  theise  men  above  written  had 
upon  the  beeles  of  their  swanes  belonginge  unto  the  Castell 

'  Leland's  Itincraiy,  (1907)  p.  166.  -  D.C.M.  ill.  2;  xix.  25;  XX.  4,  6. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  i6i 

of  Dunster  by  inheritance  and  alwayes  kepte  at  the  Mere  by 
Glastonberrye.     Yt  is  good  to  renewe  yt.  S.  L.  "  ^ 

Sir  John  Luttrell  was  not  the  sort  of  man  who  could 
settle  down  quietly  to  the  normal  life  of  a  country 
squire.  A  camp  was  more  to  his  liking,  and,  being 
prevented  by  the  peace  from  pursuing  an  active  mil- 
itary career,  he  determined  to  go  abroad  in  search  of 
adventure.  With  this  object,  he  combined  with  sev- 
eral kindred  spirits  in  organizing  an  expedition  to 
Morocco,  professedly  for  the  development  of  com- 
merce. The  leader  of  it  was  to  be  his  half-uncle 
Thomas  Wyndham,  a  brave  and  experienced  sailor, 
but  an  incorrigible  pirate.  When,  however,  the  ship 
sailed  from  Portsmouth,  Sir  John  Luttrell  was  not  on 
board.  ^  The  month  of  July  1 5  5 1  was  miserable  on 
account  of  the  sweating  sickness. 

"  The  sufferers  were  in  general  men  between  thirty  and 
forty,  and  the  stoutest  and  healthiest  most  readily  caught  the 
infection.  The  symptoms  were  a  sudden  perspiration,  ac- 
companied with  faintness  and  drowsiness.  Those  who  were 
taken  with  full  stomachs  died  immediately.  Those  who 
caught  cold  shivered  into  dissolution  in  a  few  hours.  Those 
who  yielded  to  the  intense  temptation  of  sleep,  though  but 
for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  woke  only  to  die.  "  ^ 

One  of  the  earliest  and  most  distinguished  victims 
of  this  terrible  pestilence  was  Sir  John  Luttrell,  who 
succumbed  to  it  at  Greenwich  on  the  loth  of  July. 
A  Londoner  who  records  his  death  describes  him  as 
"  a  nobull  captayne.  "  *  He  was  about  thirty-one 
years  of  age.  A  few  days  only  before  the  death  of  Sir 
John  Luttrell,  certain  commissioners  had  been  empow- 
ered by  the  King  to  pronounce  a  divorce  between  him 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  24.  vol.  V.  p.  353. 

*  Hakluyt's  Fojn^es,  n.  ii,  7-11;  D/c^  *  Machyn's    Diary,   p.   7;    Camden 

of  National  Biography,  vol.  Ixiii.  p.  249.  Miscellany,  vol.  x.  part  2,  p.  73. 
^  Froude's  History  of  England  (1867). 

i62  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

and  his  wife,  upon  proof  of  her  adultery.  ^  This  lady 
afterwards  married  James  Godolphin  of  Gwinear,  in 
Cornwall.  Inasmuch  as  she  was  a  legatee  under  the 
will  of  her  mother-in-law,  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell, 
we  may  fairly  presume  that  the  charges  against  her 
had  not  been  established.  ^  By  an  arrangement  re- 
pugnant to  feudal  ideas,  the  Castle  of  Dunster,  which 
was  the  head-place  of  the  Honour  of  that  name,  formed 
part  of  her  dower  or  jointure.  ^  She  had  some  house- 
hold goods  there  in  1553,  which  had  belonged  to  her 
father,  Sir  Griffith  Ryce,  but  she  afterwards  went  to 
live  at  Kilton.  *  She  continued  to  bear  the  surname 
of  her  first  husband  until  her  death,  and  she  was 
buried  among  the  Luttrells  at  East  Quantockshead  on 
the  last  day  of  March  1588. 

Sir  John  Luttrell  left  issue  three  daughters,  Cather- 
ine, Dorothy  and  Mary,  who,  being  minors  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  became  wards  of  the  Crown  : — ^ 

Catherine  was  aged  fourteen.  Under  the  will  of  her 
maternal  grandmother.  Dame  Catherine  Edgcumbe, 
she  received  a  chain  of  gold  with  a  flower  set  with 
two  diamonds  and  a  ruby.  *"  In  July  1558,  she 
married  Thomas  Copley  of  Gatton,  in  Surrey. 
There  is  a  curious  letter  of  that  date  from  him  to 
the  Master  of  the  Revels  asking  for  the  loan  of  a 
mask  for  the  wedding  which  was  to  take  place  at 
Nonsuch,  and  which  he  affected  to  deplore.  '  A 
tradition  in  his  family,  however,  says  that  he  had 
been  so  attracted  by  the  beauty  of  Catherine  Luttrell 

'  Strype's  Ecclesiastical   Memorials,  p.  149. 

vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  204.  *  jnq.  post  mortem,  C.  II.  106.  no. 

■■*  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.  55;  E.  II.  943,  no.  5;  D.C.M.  11.  12,  14. 

vi.  p.  15.  fi  Somerset  Medieval  Wills,  vol.  iii.  p. 

^  Inq.  postmortem.  C.  II.  159,  no. 43;  149. 

D.C.M.  II.  14,  17.  "  Loseley  Manuscripts   (ed.  Kempe), 

*  Somerset  Medieval    Wills,  vol.  iii.  p.  59. 

CH.  IV.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  163 

that  he  refused  the  hand  of  a  daughter  of  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  who  consequently  became 
his  enemy.  ^ 

Catherine  Copley  had  a  chequered  career.  Her  hus- 
band was  rich  and  highly  connected.  He  sat  in 
several  Parliaments,  and  the  Queen  herself  stood 
godmother  to  their  eldest  son  in  1561.^  Some  two 
years  later,  however,  he  became  a  Roman  Catholic. 
After  being  fined  and  imprisoned  in  1568,  he  very 
imprudently  went  abroad  without  licence,  in  the 
early  part  of  1570.  The  government  accordingly 
seized  his  goods  and  confiscated  most  of  his  rents, 
and,  although  his  wife  was  allowed  to  return  to 
England  for  a  while,  he  remained  in  exile  until  his 
death  at  Antwerp  in  1 584.  Having  been  knighted 
and  created  a  baron  by  the  French  King,  he  chose 
to  style  himself  '  Sir  Thomas  Copley,  knight,  Lord 
Copley  of  Gatton, '  and  he  also  set  up  an  untenable 
claim  to  the  English  baronies  of  Welles  and  Hoo.  ^ 
After  the  death  of  her  husband,Lady  Copley  returned 
to  England  and  proved  his  will.  As  part  of  her 
jointure,  she  had  the  right  of  nominating  the  two 
members  for  the  little  constituency  of  Gatton.  * 
She  is  described  as  very  "simple"  and  unfit  to  meddle 
with  politics,  but,  being  a  noted  "  bigot "  she  was 
regarded  with  suspicion,  and  was  committed  to 
prison  once  if  not  twice  in  her  later  years.  ^  She 
was  living  in  1603.  ^ 

*  Morris,    Troubles  of  our  Catholic      N.  s.  vol.  xv.  p.  179. 

Forefathers,  vol.  i.  p.  51.  ®  Nearly  all  that  is  known  about  Sir 

^  Nichols's  Progresses  of  Queen  Eliz-  Thomas    Copley,    his    wife,   and   his 

abeth,  vol.  i.  p.  128.  family  has  been  brought  together  in 

^  Foley's    Records    of   the    English  Mr.  R.  C.  Christie's  Introduction  to  the 

Province  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  vol.  i.  Letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Copley,  printed 

p,  186.  for  the  Roxburghe  Club  in  1896.    The 

*  Loseley  Manuscripts,  p.  242.  editor  there  corrects  several  errors  in 

*  S.  P.  Dom.  Addenda,  Elizabeth,  the  article  which  he  had  previously 
vol.  xxxi.  no.  158;  Strype's  Annals,  contributed  to  the  Dictionary  of  Nation- 
vol.  iii  ;    Acts  of  the  Privy    Council,  al  Biography,  vol.  xni.  p.  i6g. 

1 64  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  iv. 

The  arms  of  Luttrell  occur  several  times  in  some  fine 
heraldic  glass  that  was  removed  from  one  of  the 
seats  of  the  Copley  fiimily  to  the  great  hall  at  Sutton 
Place  near  Guildford. 

A  more  curious  memorial  of  the  Copleys  is  an  oil 
painting  w^hich  now  hangs  at  Dunster  Castle,  hav- 
ing been  recently  bought  by  Mr.  G.  F.  Luttrell. 
In  this,  Sir  Thomas  Copley  is  represented  in  a  tab- 
ard bearing  the  arms  of  Copley  and  Hoo  quarterly, 
kneeling  at  a  faldstool,  with  his  five  sons  behind 
him.  On  the  opposite  side,  Lady  Copley  is  re- 
presented in  a  mantle  bearing  the  arms  of  Luttrell 
and  Ryce  alternately,  similarly  kneeling  and  attended 
by  her  four  daughters. 

The  central  part  of  the  picture  is  intended  to  illustrate 
the  progress  of  the  human  soul  from  earth  to  hea- 
ven. The  flesh  and  the  devil  endeavour  to  hold  it, 
but  death  cuts  their  gilded  cords  with  his  scythe 
and  the  soul  ascends  through  thirteen  concentric 
circles  representing  the  Ptolemaic  system.  In  the 
Empyrean  Heaven  above  is  the  crucified  Saviour 
attended  by  Saints,  and  in  the  circumference  are 
Seraphim,  Cherubim,  Thrones,  Dominions,  Virtues, 
Powers,  Principalities,  Archangels  and  Angels,  ac- 
cording to  the  Dionysian  arrangement  which  was 
followed  by  Dante  and  others.  This  '  device  '  of 
Sir  Thomas  Copley,  having  been  approved  by  the 
theologians  of  the  University  of  Paris  in  1580,  was 
engraved  there  in  that  year.  ^  His  eldest  daughter 
added  a  Latin  inscription  and  three  coats  of  arms 
to  the  original  painting,  in  1625.^ 

'  Harrison's  Ainials  of  an  old  Manor-  ^  This  lady's  name   was  Joan — not 

House.  Elizabeth.     She  married  Peter  de  Mar- 

'  S.P.   Foreign,  France,  vol.  iv.  no.  tigni,  lord  of  Eteves,  captain  of  Philip- 

178.     The   existence   of    the  original  peville. 
device  was  not  known  to  Mr.  Christie. 



Dorothy,  second  daughter  and  coheiress  of  Sir  John 
Luttrell,  was  twelve  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  She  married  Humphrey  White,  citizen  and 
merchant  tailor  of  London.  ^ 

Mary,  third  daughter  and  coheiress  of  Sir  John  Lut- 
trell, was  nine  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
She  married  Henry  Shelley  of  Mapledurham,  in 
Hampshire,  a  cousin  of  Sir  Thomas  Copley,  and  also 
a  Popish  Recusant.  ^ 

The  two  younger  daughters  of  Sir  John  Luttrell  re- 
ceived a  great  bowl  apiece  under  the  will  of  their 
grandmother.  Dame  Catherine  Edgcumbe,  and  a  gold 
ring  with  a  death's  head  and  an  enamelled  motto  under 
that  of  their  brother-in-law,  Sir  Thomas  Copley. ' 
They  survived  their  respective  husbands,  and  were 
living  as  widows  in  1595,  long  after  selling  their 
rights  in  the  Dunster  estate  to  their  uncle,  Thomas 
Luttrell,  the  male  representative  of  the  family.  * 

•  D.C.M.  (Prynne's  list)  xxxviii.  77, 
80;  Letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Copley,  pp.  88, 
183,  188. 

^  Weaver's  Visitations  of  Somerset, 
p.  43;  Inner  Temple  Records  vol.  i.  p.  Iv; 
D.C.M.  II.  18. 

^  Somerset  Medieval  Wills,  vol.  Hi. 
p.  149  ;  Letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Copley, 
p.  184. 

*  Chancery  Proceedings,  Eliz.  LI. 
4,  no.  5. 


The  Luttrells  of  Dunster 
1551  — 1644. 

Thomas  Luttrell,  second  son  of  Sir  Andrew  Lut- 
trell,  served  under  his  brother  Sir  John  in  Scotland, 
and  assisted  him  by  collecting  men  and  money  for  the 
war.  ^  In  November  i  548,  it  was  falsely  reported  that 
he  had  been  killed  in  a  fight  at  Dundee.  ^  According 
to  the  terms  of  the  will  of  his  brother,  he  should 
have  succeeded  to  all  his  landed  property.  ^  The  laws 
of  the  realm,  however,  required  that  a  third  of  it  should 
be  reserved  for  the  daughters  and  coheirs  of  the 
testator.  *  Furthermore,  under  various  family  settle- 
ments, his  mother,  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell,  had  for 
her  life  the  manors  of  East  Quantockshead,  Iveton, 
Vexford,  Radlet,  Carhampton  and  Rodhuish  ;  the 
manor  of  Minehead  was  in  the  hands  of  trustees 
charged  to  raise  out  of  it  the  portions  of  the  younger 
children  of  Sir  Andrew  ;  and  Dame  Mary  Luttrell, 
his  sister-in-law,  had  for  her  life  the  castle  and 
borough  of  Dunster  and  the  manor  of  Kilton.  The 
property  that  actually  passed  to  Thomas  Luttrell,  in 
I  551,  was  consequently  very   small.      In   the  course 

'  state  Papers,  Scotland,  Edw.  VI.  »  S.P.   Scotland,  Edvv.   VI.  vol.   iv. 

vol.  iv.  no.  14  ;  Acts  of  the  Privy  Conn-  no.  114. 

cil  N.S.  vol.  ii.    p.  245  ;    Hist.    MSS.  ^  p.c.C.  Bucke.  f.  37. 

Comm.  Report  on  Rutland  MSS.  vol.  iv.  *  St.    32  Hen.  VIII.  c.  i  ;  34  &  35 

p.  204  ;  D.C.M.  III.  3  ;  xxxvil.  29.  Hen.  VIII.  c.  5. 

CH.  V.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  167 

of  a  few  years,  however,  he  managed  to  buy  up  some 
of  the  rights  of  his  sister-in-law,  and  the  reversionary 
rights  of  her  three  daughters  and  their  respective 
husbands.  ^ 

In  order  to  do  this,  he  had  to  sell  Stonehall  and 
Woodhall,  in  Suffolk,  and  various  outlying  estates  in 
the  west  of  England.  ^  On  the  other  hand  he  con- 
solidated his  property  by  the  purchase  of  Hopcot, 
between  Wootton  Courtenay  and  Minehead.  ^  He 
also  acquired  for  himself  and  his  successors  a  consider- 
able inheritance  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dunster,  by 
marrying  his  cousin  Margaret,  daughter  and  eventual 
heiress  of  Christopher  Hadley  of  Withycombe.  One 
of  her  direct  ancestors  had  married  the  heiress  of  the 
Durboroughs  of  Heathfield,  and  a  previous  Durborough 
had  married  a  coheiress  of  the  Fitzurses  of  Williton 
and  Withycombe.  She  accordingly  brought  to  her 
husband  the  manors  of  Heathfield,  Williton  Hadley, 
and  Withycombe  Hadley,  and  lands  in  various  parishes 
in  West  Somerset.  * 

The  date  and  the  exact  circumstances  of  the  mar- 
riage are  not  recorded,  but  we  may  fairly  suppose  it 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the 
Sixth,  when  ecclesiastical  discipline  was  somewhat 
lax.  The  validity  of  it  was  evidently  challenged  in 
the  stricter  reign  of  Philip  and  Mary,  for  the  parties 
found  it  desirable  to  have  recourse  to  Rome.  A 
solemn  document  issued  by  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Angelo, 
Papal  Penitentiary,  at  St.  Peter's,  on  the  28th  of 
November  1558,  recites  that  Thomas  Luttrell  esquire 

*  D.C.M.  II.  16,  18;  XIV.  1-5,  II,  13,  *  D.C.M.  XXXVI.  8.     In  a  lease  of 

16  ;  XXIV.  15  ;  XXIX.  38  ;  xxxviii.  'j'],  79,  Hopcot  granted  by  him,  he  reserved 

80.     Feet  of  Fines,  Somerset,  Hilary  all  hawks,  pheasants  and   partridges, 

and   Easter   6   Eliz  ;    Trinity   7   Eliz.  Inq.  post  mortem,  Wards  &  Liveries, 

Notes  of  Fines,  Easter  10  Eliz  ;  Mich.  13  (113). 

II  Ehz.  *■  Memoranda  Roll,  4  Eliz.  part  4, 

2  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  81,  84.  m.  66. 

1 68  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  v. 

and  Margaret  Hadley  had  by  their  petition  confessed 
that  they  had,  without  proper  dispensation,  been 
actually  married,  although  related  in  the  third  and 
third,  and  in  the  third  and  fourth  degrees  of  kindred, 
and  although  spiritually  related,  the  mother  of  Thomas 
having  stood  godmother  to  Margaret  at  her  baptism 
or  confirmation.  The  language  of  the  document 
leaves  it  doubtful  vsrhether  the  marriage  had  been 
solemnized  in  public  and  whether  any  issue  had  been 
actually  born.  Its  effect,  however,  was  to  release  the 
parties  from  the  excommunication  that  they  had 
incurred  on  condition  of  a  fresh  marriage  "  in  the 
face  of  the  church,"  and  to  legitimate  any  previous 
offspring.  ' 

The  relationship  in  blood  between  them  can  be  best 
explained  by  two  tables  on  the  opposite  page.  The  first 
shews  kindred  in  the  third  and  third  degrees,  and  the 
second  shews  kindred  in  the  third  and  fourth  degrees. 

The  dispensation,  having  been  issued  a  few  days 
after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  was  probably  one  of 
the  very  latest  documents  of  the  sort  that  was  des- 
patched before  the  final  breach  between  England  and 
Rome,  and  the  sequel  is  perhaps  the  most  curious 
part  of  the  story.  For  nearly  two  years  no  further 
action  was  taken  in  the  matter,  but  on  the  27th  of 
August  1560,  Thomas  Luttrell  was  solemnly  married 
in  the  church  of  East  Quantockshead,  his  bride  being 
described  in  the  register  as  "  Mrs.  Margaret  Hadley.  " 
Their  eldest  son,  George  Luttrell,  was  born  in  the 
following  month.  In  the  inscription  on  the  monu- 
ment which  he  set  up  in  memory  of  his  parents,  some 
sixty  years  later,  it  is  expressly  stated  that  they  were 
"  lawfully  married.  " 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  26. 

CH.  V.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  169 

In  1559,  the  growing  town  of  Minehead  received 
a  royal  charter  of  incorporation,  the  government 
being  vested  in  a  portreeve  and  twelve  burgesses.  ^  In 
1563,  when  it  for  the  first  time  sent  up  members  to 

Robert    Hill. 

I  I 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  =  Margaret.  Giles  Hill. 


Sir  Andrew  Luttrell.  Christopher  HadlevTrAnne. 

I—'  1 ^ 

Thomas  Luttrell.  Margaret  Hadley. 

Sir  James  Luttrell  ==  Elizabeth  Courtenay=Sir  Humphrey  Audley. 

I  i 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell.  Richard  Hadley =Philippa 


Sir  Andrew  Luttrell.  James  Hadley 


Thomas  Luttrell.  Christopher  Hadley. 


Margaret  Hadley. 

Parliament,  Thomas  Luttrell,  the  lord  of  the  manor, 
was  one  of  the  two  elected.  ^  He  and  his  tenants  at 
Minehead  resolved  to  make  a  new  quay  or  pier  there, 

'  Patent  Roll,  i  Eliz.  This  is  clearly  an  error.     (S.  P.  Dom. 

*  Return  of  Mcvibers  of  Parliament,  Eliz.  vol.  Ixxvii.  no.  44.)     Fitz  William 

vol.  i.  p.  405.  Thomas  Fitzwilliam  and  and   Fowler   were   the   members    for 

John  Fowler  are  stated  to  have  sat  for  Weymouth.     (Return    of  Members   of 

Minehead  in  the  Parliament  of   1559.  Parliament,  vol.  i.  p.  400.) 
(Willis"  Notitia  Parliamentaria,  p.  66.) 


170  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  v. 

and,  in  the  last  year  of  his  life,  he  penned  a  circular 
letter  to  his  neighbours,  friends  and  "  well  willers,  " 
inviting  them  to  contribute  to  the  work,  which,  he 
considered,  would  be  very  useful  to  the  country.  ^  He 
was  appointed  Sheriff  of  Somerset  in  the  autumn  of 

Although  Thomas  Luttrell  was  constantly  at  Dun- 
ster  transacting  business,  he  did  not  actually  reside 
there.  He  is  described  as  "  Thomas  Luttrell  of 
Marshwood  "  in  some  legal  proceedings  with  regard 
to  treasure  trove  in  the  Hundred  of  Carhampton. 
The  main  facts  of  the  case  may  be  given  briefly.  A 
certain  Agnes  Ellesworth,  the  wife  of  Richard  Elles- 
worth  the  elder  "  of  Imbercombe,  husbandman,  "  was 
delivered  of  a  still-born  child,  in  the  month  of  May 
1559,  at  Owl  Knowle  in  the  parish  of  Carhampton, 
a  house  which  he  presumably  rented  from  Thomas 
Trevelyan.  In  digging  a  grave  hard  by,  wherein  to 
bury  the  body,she  suddenly  came  upon  a  great  quantity 
of  gold  coins  sufficient,  it  was  estimated,  to  fill  a  "  wyne 
quart  "  less  a  quarter  of  a  "  wyne  pynte.  "  After  giving 
a  few  to  two  female  friends  who  were  with  her  at  the 
time,  she  put  the  rest  into  a  "  trene  dysshe  "  (wooden 
dish)  and  so  handed  them  over  to  her  husband  on  his 
return.  They  consisted  of  "  old  nobles,  "  "  half  old 
nobles,  "  and  "  quarter  old  nobles,  "  and  Richard 
Ellesworth,  reckoning  the  noble  at  i  y.  4^.  estimated 
their  value  at  107/.  ioj.  When  a  report  of  their 
discovery  reached  Thomas  Luttrell,  he  laid  claim  to 
them  as  treasure  trove  in  his  Hundred  of  Carhampton, 
but  satisfied  himself  with  coins  to  the  value  of  1 00/. 
The  finder  was  not,  however,  suffered  to  keep  the 
remainder,  and  they  were  handed  over,  in  May  1560, 

•  D.C.M.  XXIX.  34. 

CH.  V.        A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  171 

to  Sir  Thomas  Parry,  Treasurer  of  the  Queen's 
Household.  Then  began  tedious  proceedings  in  the 
Exchequer,  the  Attorney  General  putting  forward  the 
right  of  the  Crown  and  Thomas  Luttrell  defending 
his  own  claim,  to  be  supported  by  extracts  from  court 
rolls  and  bailliffs'  accounts.  Eventually  the  case  was 
set  down  for  trial  before  the  justices  of  assize  at  Chard 
in  July  1564.^  Here  the  story  ends  abruptly.  There 
is  no  record  of  the  judgment,  which  was  to  have  been 
entered  at  the  Exchequer  in  Michaelmas  term.  Per- 
haps the  Crown  withdrew  its  claim.  Anyhow,  the 
Luttrells  have  maintained  theirs  ever  since,  and  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  there  are  now  at  Dunster 
Castle  a  number  of  nobles,  half-nobles  and  angels  of 
the  reign  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  which  are  presum- 
ably the  remains  of  the  hoard  found  at  Owl  Knowle  in 


Thomas  Luttrell  died  on  the  1 6th  of  January  1571, 
and  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  6th  of  February. 
By  Margaret  his  wife,  mentioned  above,  he  had  issue 
three  sons  and  as  many  daughters  ; — 

George,  his  heir. 

John,  of  South  Mapperton  in  Dorset. 

Andrew,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  14th  of  October 
1569.      He  died  without  issue. 



Mary,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  iith  of  October 
1567,  and  mentioned  in  the  will  of  her  grand- 
mother, Dame  Margaret  Luttrell,  in  1580.^  She 
married,  as  his  second  wife.  Sir  Robert  Strode  of 
Parnham  in  Dorset,  son  of  her  stepfather.  ^ 

'  Memoranda  Roll,  K.  R.  Trinity  3       vi.  p.  15. 
Eliz.  20,  56  ;  D.C.M.  xxxi.  18.  ^  Hutchins's  History  of  Dorset,  vol.  ii. 

-  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.       p.  130. 

172  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  v. 

Margaret  Luttrell,  the  relict  of  Thomas,  received 
dower  out  of  her  husband's  lands.  ^  On  the  28th  of 
January  1572,  when  her  year  of  mourning  was  just 
over,  she  was  married  at  East  Quantockshead  to  John 
Strode  of  Parnham.  He  died  some  ten  years  later 
and,  in  1587,  she  married  a  third  husband,  Richard 
Hill,  who  had  been  her  '  servant,  '  probably  her 
agent.  ^  He  was  knighted  after  her  death,  which 
occurred  at  Luxborough  on  the  30th  of  September 
1607.  ^ 

George  Luttrell,  the  eldest  son  of  Thomas  and 
Margaret,  was  born  about  the  1 2th  of  September 
1560,  and  was  consequently  under  eleven  years  of  age 
at  the  death  of  his  father.  *  His  wardship  pertaining 
to  the  Crown  was  soon  sold  to  Hugh  Stewkley  of 
Marshtown  near  Dunster,  who  put  him  to  school 
with  a  certain  Mr.  Brebrooke.  While  he  was  still 
quite  young,  he  was  given  the  choice  of  his  guardian's 
two  daughters,  Joan  and  Susan,  and  he  selected  the 
former,  who  was  about  two  years  younger  than  himself. 
In  October  1575,  the  young  couple  were  solemnly 
contracted  at  Marsh  "  by  words  of  the  present  time,  " 
he  taking  her  by  the  hand  and  saying  : —  "  I,  George, 
take  thee,  Joan,  to  my  wedded  wife,  and  thereto  I 
give  thee  my  faith  and  troth.  "  Hugh  Stewkley  was 
careful  that  there  should  be  witnesses  of  the  ceremony 
and  that  they  should  put  their  names  to  a  written 
memorial  of  it.  ^ 

In  July  1576,  when  George  Luttrell  was  nearly 
sixteen,  he  was  admitted  a  Fellow  Commoner  at 
Caius  College,  Cambridge,  and  was  given   a  cubicle 

•  D.C.M.  II.  22, 23.  3  D.C.M.  XXXII.  ^2. 

»  Ihid.  XIV.  23  ;  XXXII.  49,  54  ;  Chan-  "  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Ii,  159,  no.  43. 

eery  Proceedings,  Eliz.  LI.  11,  no.  67.  *  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  88. 

CH.  V.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  173 

in  the  Master's  Lodging.  ^  From  Cambridge  he 
wrote  in  the  following  year  that  he  fully  intended  to 
marry  his  cousin,  Joan  Stewkley,  hoping  thereby  to 
put  an  end  to  the  "  brablings  "  between  her  father 
and  his  grandmother,  Dame  Margaret  Luttrell.  The 
project  was,  however,  strongly  opposed  both  by  her 
and  by  his  step-father  John  Strode.  The  old  lady 
declared  that  he  would  be  "  utterly  cast  away  "  if  he 
were  to  marry  the  daughter  of  the  miserly  lawyer 
who  had  so  often  thwarted  the  Luttrells,  and  she 
threatened  that  if  her  wishes  were  disregarded,  she 
would  leave  away  the  Priory  of  Dunster  from  her 
grandson,  and  so  make  him  "  a  poor  gentleman.  " 
A  match  in  Wales  was  suggested  as  an  alternative,  and 
Sir  James  Fitzjames,  who  wished  to  secure  the 
young  heir  for  his  own  niece,  did  not  scruple  to  say 
that  Joan  Stewkley  was  "  a  slutte  and  that  she  had  no 
good  qualities.  "  ^ 

By  a  will  dated  the  9th  of  March  1580,  Dame  Mar- 
garet Luttrell  bequeathed  to  her  grandson,  George 
Luttrell,  the  hanging  of  arras  that  had  been  made  for 
the  parlour  at  Dunster,  two  bowls  of  silver  gilt,  a 
drinking  cup  of  silver  gilt  that  had  belonged  to  his 
father,  two  spoons  and  a  salt,  and,  furthermore,  the 
Priory  of  Dunster  with  all  the  lands  and  profits  belong- 
ing thereto.  ^  She  died  on  the  7th  of  July  in  that 
year  and  was  buried  beside  her  husband  at  East 
Quantockshead.  All  effective  opposition  being  thus 
at  an  end,  George  Luttrell  was  duly  married  to  Joan 
Stewkley  at  Dunster  on  the  25th  of  September  1580, 
he  being  then  just  over  twenty  years  of  age.  He  was  ad- 
mitted a  member  of  Gray's  Inn  in  the  following  month. 

^  Venn's   History   of  Gonvillc    and  ^  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol. 

Cains  College,  vol.  i,  p.  87.  vi.  p.  15. 

2  D.C.M.  XXXVIII.  88. 

174  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  v. 

In  1584,  we  find  George  Luttrell  undertaking  to 
let  his  mother,  Margaret  Strode,  have  "  one  fee  bucke 
of  season  in  the  summer,  and  one  fee  doe  in  the 
winter"  from  his  park  at  Dunster  or  from  that  at  East 
Quantockshead  at  her  choice.  ^  Kilton  fell  to  him 
on  the  death  of  Dame  Mary  Luttrell  in  1588,  and 
on  the  death  of  his  mother,  in  1607,  he  succeeded  to 
the  lands  which  she  held  in  dower  and  to  the  Hadley 

George  Luttrell  was  returned  to  Parliament  as  one 
of  the  members  for  Minehead  in  i  584,  but  he  did  not 
cultivate  the  friendly  relations  with  the  borough  that 
had  usually  subsisted  in  his  father's  time.  It  was 
doubtless  at  his  instance  that  a  royal  commission  was 
appointed,  in  1 601,  to  enquire  whether  the  Portreeve 
and  burgesses  had  maintained  the  port  as  required. 
The  report  being  unfavourable,  their  charter  was 
abrogated  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  James  the 
First  and  the  corporation  ceased  to  exist.  ^  Not  satis- 
fied with  this,  George  Luttrell  wished  Minehead  to 
be  disfranchised.  There  is  a  draft  petition  from  him 
to  the  House  of  Commons  stating  that  the  town  "  did 
never  choose  anie  burgesses  for  the  Parlyment,  as 
appeareth  by  record,  untill  the  fifte  yeare  of  the  raigne 
of  the  late  memorable  Queene  Elizabeth  "  and  con- 
tending that  it  would  be  "  a  great  indignitie  "  to  that 
"honorable  assemblie "  that  burgesses  should  be  chosen 
"  without  legal  power  and  authoritie.  "  He  could 
hardly  have  foreseen  that  his  descendants  would  derive 
influence  and  profit  from  their  connexion  with  the 
borough  of  Minehead. 

In  1583  and  in  1586,  he  was  required  to  provide 
a  demilance  and  two  light  horsemen  for  the  service  of 

'  D.C.M.  XIV.  24.  Somerset,     1994 ;     Memoranda     Roll, 

*  Exchequer  Special  Commissions,      K.R.  Trin.  i  Jac.  I.  m.  25. 

CH.  V.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  175 

the  State.  ^  How  he  avoided  the  burden  of  knight- 
hood does  not  appear.  He  was  appointed  Sheriff  of 
Somerset  in  1593  and  again  in  1609.  ^  According  to 
tradition,  he  was  "  much  noted  for  his  hospitahty  and 
the  general  love  and  respect  of  his  neighbours.  "  ^ 
Contemporary  documents,  however,  show  him  to  have 
been  exceedingly  litigious.  At  some  period  of  his  life, 
he  must  have  spent  long  days  searching  the  records 
in  London  for  evidence  in  support  of  his  feudal  rights 
over  the  manors  and  lands  pertaining  to  the  Honour 
of  Dunster.  His  early  legal  training  had  made  him 
very  observant  of  minute  points,  and  he  left  behind 
him  a  quantity  of  ill-written  notes  about  rents,  bound- 
aries, and  the  like.  It  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate 
the  different  suits  in  which  he  was  engaged  against 
his  father-in-law,  his  aunt,  his  tenants,  his  neighbours, 
and  his  tradesmen.  Two  poachers  who  confessed 
that  they  had  hunted,  killed  and  taken  some  deer  in 
his  park  at  Dunster  received  a  very  severe  sentence  in 
the  notorious  Court  of  Star  Chamber  in  1597,  being 
committed  to  the  Fleet  Prison  for  three  months, 
required  to  find  security  for  good  behaviour  for  seven 
years,  and  ordered  to  pay  no  less  than  100/.  apiece 
as  a  fine  to  the  Crown.  * 

George  Luttrell  deserves  to  be  remembered  as  a 
builder.  At  Dunster,  he  converted  part  of  the  lower 
ward  of  the  Castle  into  a  Jacobean  mansion,  he  altered 
the  house  now  known  as  the  Luttrell  Arms  Hotels 
and  he  built  the  picturesque  market-house.  At  East 
Quantockshead,  he  greatly  enlarged  the  manor  house, 
altering  it  so  materially  that  the  old  plan  cannot  easily 
be  traced.   At  Marshwood,  he  appears  to  have  renov- 

1  Green's  Somerset  &  the  Armada,  *  Palmer  MS.  at  St.  Audries. 

pp.  34,  70.  *  D.C.M.  XIV.  39. 

'  List  of  Sheriffs,  p.  124,  125. 

176  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  v. 

ated  the  house  for  his  married  son.  At  Minehead, 
in  1 6 1  6,  he  built  a  pier  afterwards  known  as  '  the  Old 
Quay, '  at  a  cost  of  about  5000/,  the  townsmen  having 
forfeited  their  charter  of  incorporation,  as  mentioned 
above.  ' 

There  is  at  Dunster  Castle  a  portrait  of  George 
Luttrell  painted  on  panel  in  1 594,  in  the  thirty-fourth 
year  of  his  age.  He  is  represented  in  black  brocade 
with  a  metal  belt  round  the  waist,  a  large  ruff  and 
white  cuffs.  The  face  is  not  unlike  that  of  his  uncle. 
Sir  John  Luttrell,  as  depicted  by  Lucas  d'Heere.  ^ 

George  Luttrell  died  on  the  ist  of  April  1629, 
and  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  23rd.  Joan  his 
wife,  already  mentioned,  had  predeceased  him  and 
had  been  buried,  on  the  22nd  of  November  1621, 
in  the  Priory  Church  of  Dunster,  near  her  parents  the 
Stewkleys,  in  accordance  with  a  will  made  by  consent 
of  her  husband.  ^  They  had  issue  five  sons  and  seven 
daughters  : — 

Thomas,  heir  to  his  father. 

Hugh,  of  Rodhuish. 

George,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  12th  of  October 
1590.  He  matriculated  at  Lincoln  College,  Ox- 
ford, in  1608,  and  afterwards  became  a  student  of 
Gray's  Inn.  He  was  buried  at  Dunster,  on  the 
30th  of  December  1619. 

John,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  5th  of  January  i  592. 
He  matriculated  at  Lincoln  College,  Oxford,  in 
1608.      He  was  living  in  1620. 

Andrew,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  6th  of  June  1596 
and  buried  there  four  days  later. 

'  Hancock's  Minehead,  pp.  284,  286.  picture. 

'  It  may  be  noticed  that  the  tinctures  »  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol. 

of  the  Luttrell  arms  are  given  wrongly  vi.  p.  i6. 
in   the   shield   in    the    corner    of    the 



CH.  V.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  177 

Margaret,  baptized  at  East  Quantockshead  on  the 
1 1 th  of  October  1584.  She  married  at  Dunster, 
on  the  3rd  of  August  1607,  John  Trevelyan  of 
Nettlecombe.  ^ 

Catherine,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  i8th  of  April 
1589.  She  married  there,  on  the  4th  of  August 
1 607,  the  morrow  of  her  sister's  wedding,  Lewis 
Pyne  of  East  Down,  in  Devonshire. 

EHzabeth,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  23rd  of  March 

1593,  and  buried  there  on  the  21st  of  May  1595. 
Susan,    baptized  at    Dunster  on  the  9th  of  October 

1594.  She  married   there,  on   the   29th   of  June 
1 61 2,  John  Francis  of  Combe  Florey.  ^ 

Elizabeth,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  3rd  of  October 
1598.  In  March  i62i[-2],  George  Luttrell,  her 
father,  made  a  formal  declaration  that  he  was  willing 
that  she  should  have  the  sum  of  i  ,400/.  bequeathed 
to  her  by  her  mother  Joan,  provided  that  she  did 
not  marry  a  Popish  Recusant  or  the  son  of  a  Popish 
Recusant,  or  any  other  without  his  own  consent, 
or,  after  his  death,  the  consent  of  Thomas  Wyndham 
of  Kentsford,  John  Francis  and  Richard  Worth,  or 
two  of  them.  In  the  event  of  her  disregarding  this 
injunction,  the  money  was  to  be  divided  between 
her  nieces  named  Trevelyan  and  her  brother-in-law 
John  Francis.  ^  She  nevertheless  married,  in  that 
year,  Thomas  Arundel  of  Chideock  in  Dorset,  a 
member  of  a  noted  Roman  Catholic  family. 

Sarah,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  3rd  of  April  1600. 
She  inherited  200/.  from  her  mother,  and  in  her 
case  George  Luttrell  did  not  think  it  necessary  to 
make  any  stipulation  about  the  choice  of  a  hus- 
band. *     She   married  at  Dunster,   on  the   9th   of 

'  D.C.M.  XXXVIII.  93  (Prynne).  '  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  97. 

»  Ibid,  xxxviii.  95.  *  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  97,  98. 

178  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  v. 

February  1625,  Edmund  Bowyer  of  Beer  near  Can- 
nington.  ^     She  was  buried  at  Stockland,  on  the 
17th  of  May  1664. 
Mary,  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  24th  of  March  1608. 

About  ten  months  after  the  death  of  his  wife, 
George  Luttrell  of  Dunster  Castle  was  married  at  East 
Quantockshead,  on  the  3rd  of  October  1622,  to  "an 
obscure  person,  "  Silvestra  daughter  of  James  Capps 
of  Jews  in  the  parish  of  Wiveliscombe.  She  was 
the  mother  of  Sarah  Luttrell  alias  Capps,  and  Diana 
Luttrell  alias  Capps,  for  both  of  whom  he  made  ample 
provision  in  his  lifetime  and  to  each  of  whom  he 
bequeathed  500/.  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  or  on  mar- 
riage.^ The  former  married  Alexander  Keynes.  The 
latter  married  John  Wogan,  of  Pembrokeshire,  at  East 
Quantockshead,  in  1634,  and  married  secondly  Alexan- 
der Lynde.  ^  Silvestra  Luttrell  had  for  her  jointure  the 
manors  of  Kilton  and  East  Quantockshead.*  A  leaden 
pipe-head  at  the  latter  place  bears  her  initials  with  those 
of  her  husband,  and  the  date  1 628.  ^  The  whole  house 
had  apparently  been  altered  for  her  benefit.  The  arms 
of  Luttrell  impaling  those  of  Capps  are  also  to  be  seen 
at  the  LiUttrell  Arms  Hotel  at  Dunster.  Some  nine 
months  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  on  the  15th 
of  January,  1630,  Silvestra  Luttrell  was  married  at 
East  Quantockshead  to  Sir  Edmund  Skory.  The 
union  did  not  prove  happy,  as  appears  by  his  will 
dated  the  4th  of  May  1632.  By  this  he  bequeaths 
20J.  "  to  Giles  Baker,  my  servant,  who  hath  lived 
under  the  tyranny  of  my  wife,  to  the  danger  of  his 

'  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.  Hancock's  Minchead,p.  213,  whereihe 

iv.  p.  82.  name  is  wrongly  given  as  Lyne  and 

"  Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  17  ;  D.C.M.  xxxvili.  Lyde. 

100.  *  D.C.M.  III.  5  ;  xxiii.  45. 

*  D.C.M.  III.  12  ;  XXXVIII.  103,  104  ;  ^  See  the  woodcut  on  page  185. 

CH.  V.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  179 

life,  during  the  space  of  two  years.  "  He  also  be- 
queaths "  to  Dame  Silvestre  Skory,  my  wife,  whom  I 
hartely  forgive  all  her  wicked  attempts  against  mee, 
a  praier  booke  called  'The  Practice  of  Piety,  desiring 
that  she  better  love  and  affect  the  same  than  hitherto 
she  hath  done.  "  The  widow  tried  in  vain  to  prove 
that  the  testator  was  of  unsound  mind.  ^  Nevertheless 
she  secured  a  third  husband  in  the  person  of  Giles 
Penny,  whom  she  married  at  East  Quantockshead  in 
1634.  Her  stepson,  Thomas  Luttrell,  bore  her  no 
love,  and  brought  a  suit  against  her  for  damage  to  his 
deer  and  timber  at  East  Quantockshead.  ^  She  was 
in  possession  of  the  manor-house  there  as  late  as  the 
year  1655,  having  survived  the  son  and  the  grandson 
of  her  first  husband.  ^ 

Thomas  Luttrell,  son  and  heir  of  George,  was 
baptized  at  Dunster,  on  the  26th  of  February  1584.  He 
matriculated  at  Lincoln  College,  Oxford,  in  i  597  and 
became  B.A.  in  1599.  He  was  admitted  a  student 
of  Lincoln's  Inn  in  1604.  He  did  not  marry  until 
1 62 1,  when  he  took  to  wife  Jane,  daughter  of  Sir 
Francis  Popham,  of  Littlecote,  in  Wiltshire,  an  active 
politician.  *  The  arms  of  Luttrell,  impaled  with 
those  of  Popham  may  be  seen  at  Marshwood,  and  it 
is  probable  that  Thomas  Luttrell  lived  there  until  the 
death  of  his  father  in  1629.  He  was  returned 
Member  for  Minehead  in  1625,  but  at  subsequent 
elections  his  influence  there  seems  to  have  been  exert- 
ed in  favour  of  different  members  of  his  wife's  family, 
who  espoused  the  Parliamentary  side  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  the  First.  ^     He  was  Sheriff  of  Somerset  in 

'  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.  v.  ^  P.C.C.  Aylett,  f.  185. 

p.  66.  ^  D.C.M.  III.  4,  6. 

^  Chancery   Proceedings,   Series  II.  *  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 

bundle  408,  no.  43.  vol.  xlvi.  p.  143. 

i8o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  v. 

1631.  ^  In  1633,  we  find  him  associated  with  other 
justices  of  the  peace  for  the  county  in  a  protest  against 
the  revival  of  church-ales,  clerk-ales  and  revels.  ^ 

Some  nine  years  later,  he  further  displayed  his 
poUtical  sympathies  by  committing  to  prison  at  Mine- 
head  a  notable  fugitive,  Roger  Manwaring,  Bishop  of 
St.  David's,  who  had  given  offence  by  his  advocacy 
of  absolutist  views.  ^ 

At  the  very  outset  of  the  Civil  War  in  August 
1642,  the  Marquess  of  Hertford  went  to  Somerset  to 
organize  the  militia  for  the  King,  but  the  county  rose 
against  him  and  drove  him  from  Wells  to  Sherborne. 
This  place  in  turn  he  found  to  be  untenable,  and  while 
negotiating,  or  pretending  to  negotiate,  for  a  surrend- 
er, he  broke  out  with  about  four  hundred  followers, 
on  the  19th  of  September,  and  directed  his  course  to 
Minehead.*  The  Earl  of  Bedford,  commanding  for 
the  Parliament,  at  once  issued  warrants  for  the  appre- 
hension of  any  of  the  party,  and  sent  off  posts  to 
Thomas  Luttrell,  bidding  him  strengthen  and  make 
good  his  castle  at  Dunster.'^  This  order  was  promptly 
obeyed,  and  Thomas  Luttrell  increased  his  garrison  by 
a  hundred  men.  Anticipating  moreover  that  the 
Royalists  would  endeavour  to  cross  over  to  Wales,  he 
caused  the  rudders  of  all  the  ships  in  Minehead  har- 
bour to  be  removed.  *^ 

On  arriving  at  Minehead,  Lord  Hertford  fortified 
himself  in  a  "  strong  inn,  "  and  then  despatched  sixty 
of  Sir  Ralph  Hopton's  men  to  demand  entrance  into 
Dunster  Castle.  They  met,  however,  with  a  peremp- 
tory refusal,  and  as,  after  some  parley,  they  would  not 

'  List  of  Sheriffs,  p.  125.  xxxvi.  p.  104. 

*  S.  P.    Dom.    Charles    I.    vol.  255,  *  England's  Memorable  Accidents. 

no.  3Q.  s  Special  Passages. 

^  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.  Report  V.  p.  35;  «  England's  Memorable  Accidents. 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  vol. 

CH.  V.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  i8i 

go  away,  Mrs.  Luttrell  commanded  the  men  within 
the  Castle  to  "  give  fire.  "  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
Royalist  officer  ordered  them  to  disregard  her,  and 
when  Mrs.  Luttrell  again  commanded  them  "  upon 
their  lives  to  do  it,  "  they  opened  fire,  and  the  cava- 
liers beat  a  hasty  retreat.  ^ 

Eventually,  the  King's  infantry  and  artillery  escaped 
in  some  coalships  to  Wales,  while  the  cavalry  went 
further  westward.  The  Parliamentary  party  were, 
however,  apprehensive  that  the  Royalists  would  return 
suddenly,  and  by  surprise  get  possession  of  Dunster 
Castle,  from  which  it  was  thought  that  ten  thousand 
men  could  hardly  dislodge  them.  Proposals  were 
accordingly  made  for  raising  horse  and  foot  to  guard 
it,  but  the  "  very  thoughts  "  of  such  a  measure  caused 
the  peaceable  men  of  Minehead  to  give  a  very  cold 
reception  to  Lord  Bedford  when  he  arrived  in  pursuit. 
He  himself  took  up  his  quarters  at  Dunster  Castle  for 
a  short  time.  ^ 

Lord  Hertford  was  much  vexed  at  his  "  disastrous 
fortune  at  Minieard  and  Dunster  "  and  wrote  a  sting- 
ing letter  to  Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  attributing  it  to  the 
"  evill  dispositions  and  cowardly  behaviour  "  of  the 
west-countrymen  serving  under  him,  under  Captain 
Digby  and  under  Sir  John  Stawell,  who  ran  away, 
endangering  the  persons  of  their  officers  and  all  the 
ordnance.  Sir  Ralph  in  reply  vindicated  the  courage 
of  his  men,  declaring  that  they  would  not  "  runne  or 
give  one  foot  of  ground  "  to  any  foreign  invader,  but 
that  it  was  "  not  warrantable  by  God's  lawes  "  for 
men  to  fight  against  their  own  kindred.'  As  the  Civil 
War  progressed,  he  must  have  found  it  necessary  to 
modify  his  humane  and  peaceable  sentiments. 

»  special  Passages.  304.  3o8  ;  Special  Passages. 

'  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.  Report  iv.  pp.  *  New  plots  discovered. 

iSz  A  HISTORY  Ok  DLNSTi^R.       catv. 

Earlf  in  Janoaij  1643;,  die  Wekhmcn  gzvc  luiylA 
oo  the  coast  Ob  SoomsetL     SWiic.  <k  tfirin  ItMMkjMlcd 
Minciicad  Imbom;  and,  b^  jpuLUJHtu^  tlie  cnby  of 
any  Aqpscir  boats,  atopfrf  the  SByp^rfpwmacMg  and 
coaL     Otfaors,  abont  five  hambi  il  in  nnmbcr,  a-  itr 
Captain  P^nkt,  landed  dicic;  *■  invaded  "*  tlic  CE - 
and  **  <  ■■Muined  tlie  inUntants  to  yedd  tc 
taxation  and  to  snbant  tnenBeivcs  ULivjuts  and  : 
to  cvoy  poor,  baae  Gon^nmon,  to  save  tlicir  it.' 
firoaa  bei]^  cnt.  ^     Thas  party  nnde  an  allaik    _ : 

DnnsiEr  ^^^'^'fc^'*^''^^'"™"^^'''^^^'^  *^^ 

able  to  lepafac  tncm  and  sccmc  tne  feonnt 
The  figpiting  cannot  bave  bceniivrr  se ' 
fin-  wbcn  a  shot  fiom  the  Casde  kiZzc 
aaoifanis^  Captam  Pnlet  was  mc    t  : 
vuwLd  that  be  wunid  ii|wanrii'  the  z. 
his  fimfas  on  the  battlonenls  as  £:    : 
point  of  £a£t  he  moved  on  to  Ri 
hnndiid  nHwtirlieeis  and  fivtr  Ik^t:  : 

In  May  1643,  we  find  The--       L 
pns  fin-  his  niece  Mirrrrrrt  T 
feDWaks,aid   ~r   i 

hnvlMnilj  George  T::  tam. 

fir  his  ddinc- fz  ~ 
nBooedMnoe  u  ^ ' ;  '  ~ :   ; 

--.':-  ne 


to  honnr 

to  icpuit  tha: 

to  deliver  u: 

thesBOgt  : 

(S5L£)i  ?.  4d-. 

CH.V.        A  HISTORY  OF   DUNSTEK.  183 

Clarendon  relates  that,  in  the  middle  of  Jane  1643, 
the  Marquess  of  Hertford  obtained  possessioo  of 
Taunton  and  Brideewater  in  three  davs,  and  pro- 
ceeds : — 

J^jric+2T-  CsStIc   S-? 

.  W.S-  =        KJ. 

:—  t-  :.:\i  ~:-:z-  ::  :  !  >  l_::T:e  .  was,  with  as  li'zLt 
r  :  1  f  r :  r  :  t  :  r  -  t  r :  e  i  -  - :  the  King ;  inio 
vr  -  :     :    T  ..":_:  7  , :     .  "_z:   i:ii_:  ic^o i  .:  as  Governor,  as 

Thomas  Luttrell  was  moreover  compelled  to  pav  a 
large  sum,  either  as  i  :r  i  r>roof  of  derodoo 
to  the  Rovalist  cause.  There  ls  at  Dunster  a  signi- 
ficant httle  receipt  as  follows  : — 

"  xxiij'*  die  Junii  1643.  Receavcd  the  day  and  jeare 
above  written  to  his  Magesdes  use  fay  me  Edward  Kjrton, 
Esq.  Treasorar  for  the  annj  under  the  comaund  of  the  r^;fat 
honorable  the  Marquesse  of  Hertfiird,  Liftenant  General!  c^ 
his  Msgesties  forces  in  the  wes^c^Thnnas  Luttrdl  ofDunstar 
Castle  in  the  countr  of  Scxnerset,  Esq.  die  simimr  of  five 
hundred  powndes,  in  part  of  payment  of  the  summe  or  one 
thousand  powndes  which  the  said  Mr.  Luttrdl  is  to  pay 
towardes  the  charge  of  the  said  army.  I  say  recezved,  Edw. 

Whether  Thomas  Luttrell  was  after  this  ^j-  -":  " 
remain  in  his  own  castle  does  not  appear.  ~- :  .  .:. 
few  months  later,  and  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the 
7th  of  February  1 644-  There  is  at  Dunster  Castle  a 
portrait  on  panel  dating  firom  the  later  part  of  the  reign 
of  James  the  First,  which  probabhr  represents  this 
Thonias  Luttrell.  The  subject  of  it  has  k>ng  hair  and 
a  short  beard.  He  is  attired  in  a  h'ght  green  doublet 
and  trunk  hose,  with  a  falling  collar  edged  with  lace, 

» Hisimy  ^flte  ftfcrftiiB.  fed,  rtift  ^oL  ir.  p>.  iml 

1 84  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.        ch.  v. 

and  white  cuffs.  There  is  a  black  hat  under  the  right 
arm  and  a  sword  under  the  other.  Thomas  and  Jane 
Luttrell  had  issue  four  sons  and  a  daughter  : — 

Alexander,  born  in  1622  and  so  called  after  his  uncle 
Alexander  Popham.  He  matriculated  at  Lincoln 
College,  Oxford,  in  1637,  and,  while  still  under 
age,  was  elected  to  represent  Minehead  in  the 
Parliament  of  1640,  but  he  died  before  his  father, 
some  two  or  three  years  later. 

George,  heir  to  his  father. 

Thomas,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the   8th  of  March 

1627,  and  buried  there  on  the  2nd  of  April. 
Francis,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  ist  of  November 

1 628,  and  so  called  after  his  grandfather.  Sir  Francis 
Popham.  He  eventually  succeeded  his  brother 

Amy,  baptized  at  Dunster,  on  the  26th  of  June  1630. 
She  married  firstly  Thomas  Hele  of  South  Petherton, 
and  secondly  George  Reynell  of  Kingsbridge,  in 
Devonshire.  ^ 

Within  a  few  days  of  the  death  of  Thomas  Luttrell, 
his  relict  was  compelled  to  pay  a  large  sum  to  the 
Crown,  as  appears  by  the  following  receipt : — 

"  13th  February  1643.  Then  received  of  Mrs.  Jane 
Luttrell  the  summe  of  fiveteene  hundred  pounds,  as  see 
much  due  to  his  Majestie  for  the  fjne  of  her  selfe  and  her 
two  sonnes ;  I  say  received  for  his  Majestie's  service  the 
day  and  yeere  above  written  the  summe  of  1500,  by  me 
Francis  Hawley.  " 

The  person  who  gave  it  was  merely  an  officer  in  the 
Royalist  Army,  but  the  payment  might  possibly  be 
regarded  as  the  purchase  money  for  the  wardship  of 

•  Somerset  &  Dorset  Notes  &  Queries,  vol.  ii.  p.  230. 



the  heir  of  the  Dunster  estate,  who  was  a  minor  at  the 
time  of  his  father's  death.  A  few  weeks  later,  there 
is  another  acquittance  : — 

"25*°  die  Marcii  1644,  anno  regni  Regis  Caroli  19°. 
Receaved  then  of  Mistriss  Jane  Luttrell  the  summe  of  three 
score  pownds  in  parte  of  payment  of  one  hundred  pownds 
which  she  was  to  pay  by  way  of  loane  upon  His  Majestie's 
lettre  in  the  nature  of  a  privie  seale  for  His  Majestie's 
service.  I  say  receaved.  Per  me  William  Prowse,  deput' 
vicecomitis.  " 

Jane  Luttrell  must  have  been  loth  indeed  to  furnish 
money  for  the  party  which  she  and  her  relations  had 
so  steadily  opposed.  In  later  and  happier  times,  she 
lived  at  Marshwood,  where  she  hoarded  her  savings, 
as  will  appear  hereafter.  She  was  buried  at  Dunster 
in  November  1668. 



The  Luttrells  of  Dunster 
1644— 1737. 

George  Luttrell,  son  and  successor  of  Thomas,  was 
baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  12th  of  September  1625. 
Nothing  is  known  about  him  in  his  early  years,  but 
it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  his  mother  would  not 
have  allowed  him  to  go  to  Oxford  to  mix  with  young 
Cavaliers.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  Dunster 
Castle  was  occupied  by  a  royalist  garrison,  and  the 
manor-house  at  East  Quantockshead  was  in  the  pos- 
session of  Lady  Skory,  no  friend  to  the  Luttrells.  A 
smaller  house  at  Marshwood  was,  however,  available 
for  the  widow  and  her  children. 

In  the  middle  of  May  1645,  Charles  the  First  gave 
orders  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  should  take  up  his 
residence  for  a  while  at  Dunster  Castle,  to  "encourage 
the  new  levies,"  it  being  "not  known  at  Court  that 
the  plague,  which  had  driven  him  from  Bristol,  was 
as  hot  in  Dunster  town,  just  under  the  walls  of  the 
Castle.  "  ^  Clarendon's  statement  to  this  effect  is 
strikingly  confirmed  by  the  parish  register  which 
records  the  burial  of  no  less  than  eighty  persons  at 
Dunster  in  that  very  month.  Two  of  them  are 
described  as  *  soldiers, '  from  which  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  Castle  itself,  isolated  from  the  town  beneath 

'  Clarendon's  History  of  (he  Rebellion,  (ed.  1826)  vol.  v.  p.  189. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  187 

it,  was  not  free  from  the  prevailing  sickness.  At 
Minehead  the  death  rate  in  1645  was  about  five  times 
that  of  a  normal  year.  ^  The  inhabitants  of  a  long 
street  in  Dunster  are  said  to  have  established  com- 
munications between  their  respective  houses  by  making 
openings  in  the  party  walls,  "  so  as  to  avoid  all 
necessity  of  going  into  the  open  street,  "  whose  air 
was  considered  dangerous  to  life.  ^  The  Prince,  who 
was  then  just  fifteen  years  of  age,  occupied  a  small 
room  within  the  room  at  the  south-western  end  of 
the  Gallery  in  Dunster  Castle.  ^  After  about  a  fort- 
night, he  procceeded  to  Barnstaple.  The  church- 
wardens' accounts  of  Minehead  for  this  year  contain 
the  following  entries  : — 

"  Given  the  ringers  in  beere  at  severall  tymes  when  the 
Prince  and  other  great  men  came  into  the  towne,  14J. 

"  Paid  the  Prince's  footman,  which  he  claymed  as  due  to 
him  for  his  fee,  ^s.  dd.  " 

At  that  juncture  it  might  have  been  imprudent  to 
Ignore  the  Prince's  visit.  Less  than  four  months  after- 
wards there  is  an  entry  in  the  same  book  which 
reflects  more  faithfully  the  state  of  public  opinion  at 
Minehead  : — 

"  Paid  the  ringers  when  BristoU  was  taken,  35.  " 

After  the  reverses  of  the  Royalist  party  atLangport, 
Taunton,  and  Bridgewater,  in  the  summer  of  1645, 
Dunster  Castle  remained  the  only  place  held  for  the 
King  in  Somerset,  but,  being  isolated,  it  was  harmless 
except  as  a  source  of  annoyance  to  the  immediate 
neighbourhood.     As  it  was  desirable  to  stop  even  this 

*  Savage's  Hundred  of  Carhampton,  so  serious  as  to  call  for  charitable  aid 

p.  590.  from  other  places  in  the  country.     Pro- 

^  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xv.  p.  ceedings  of  the  Somerset  Archceological 

388.     There  had  been  a  previous  out-  Society,  vol.  xxxviii.  p.  73. 

break  of  the  plague  at  Dunster  in  1611,  '  See  Chapter  XI. 

1 88  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

power,  Colonel  Blake  and  Colonel  Sydenham,  taking 
a  small  party  from  Taunton,  laid  siege  to  it  early  in 
November,  and  by  the  6th  had  so  completely  blocked  it 
that  its  surrender  seemed  certain,  if  it  were  not  taken 
by  surprise.  Neither  of  these  expectations  was 
realised,  for  the  besieged  held  out,  although  by  the 
end  of  the  month  they  were  said  to  be  straitened  for 
provisions  and  suffering  sadly  from  want  of  water.  It 
was  reported  that  Colonel  Francis  Wyndham,  the 
Governor,  about  the  20th  of  November,  wrote  to 
Lord  Goring,  then  commanding  the  King's  forces  in 
Devon,  that  he  could  hold  out  but  a  fortnight  or  three 
weeks  longer,  and  that  he  was  only  enabled  to  do  that 
through  having  secured  a  good  supply  of  water  from 
some  late  heavy  rains.  ^  He  at  least  wrote  for  aid,  as 
in  response,  Goring  sent  some  foot  to  Bideford,  to  be 
forwarded  to  Dunster  by  sea,  and  a  party  of  horse 
was  got  in  readiness  to  march  by  land  to  protect  them 
on  arrival.  ^  But,  not  getting  their  promised  pay  at 
Bideford,  and  finding  they  were  to  be  out  for  more 
than  the  twenty  days  agreed  for  with  Lord  Hopton, 
they  deserted  and  ran  away.  Sir  Richard  Grenville 
went  after  them  at  once  to  bring  them  back,  but  the 
plan  for  this  time  resulted  in  failure.  ^  The  design 
becoming  known.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  stationed  some 
men  to  command  the  road  and  prevent  or  check  the 
repetition  of  any  similar  attempt.  Thus  when  another 
party  endeavoured  to  pass  early  in  December,  the 
troops  who  were  guarding  the  roads  about  Tiverton 
and  Crediton,  encountered  them  and  compelled  them 
to  return.  ^ 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Blake  had  repeatedly  summoned 
the  Governor  to  surrender,   but  always   receiving  a 

1  Perfect  Passages,  No.  56.  ^  Moderate  Intelligencer,  No.  38. 

*  Perfect  Diurnal,  No.  125.  *  Weekly  Account. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  189 

curt  refusal,  he  had  pushed  forward  his  approaches 
and  batteries  and  worked  busily  at  his  mines,  as  these 
were  "  next  to  determine  the  business.  "  ^  A  sum- 
mons was  again  sent  in,  this  time  accompanied  by  a 
threat  that  the  Castle  would  be  stormed  if  it  were  not 
surrendered.  Colonel  Wyndham  replied  that  as  he  had 
formerly  announced  his  intention  to  keep  his  charge 
to  his  utmost,  so  he  was  still  and  would  continue 
semper  idem — always  the  same. 

At  the  very  end  of  December  1645,  or  about  the 
I  St  of  January  1646,  a  story  was  circulated  by  the 
royalist  party  at  Oxford,  on  the  reported  authority  of 
two  men  supposed  to  have  come  from  Dunster,  that 
the  Castle  was  relieved  and  the  siege  raised.  The 
story  was  that  the  besiegers,  having  taken  prisoner 
the  Governor's  mother,  sent  in  their  last  summons 
thus — "  If  you  will  yet  deliver  up  the  Castle,  you 
shall  have  faire  quarter,  if  not,  expect  no  mercy  ;  your 
mother  shall  be  in  the  front,  to  receive  the  first  fury 
of  your  canon :  we  expect  your  answer. "  The 
Governor  is  supposed  to  reply,  "  If  you  doe  what  you 
threaten,  you  do  the  most  barbarous  and  villanous 
act  [that]  was  ever  done  ;  my  mother  I  honour  :  but 
the  cause  I  fight  for  and  the  maisters  I  serve,  God 
and  the  King,  I  honour  more.  Mother,  do  you  for- 
give me  and  give  me  your  blessing,  and  let  the 
Rebells  answer  for  spilling  that  blood  of  yours,  which 
I  would  save  with  the  losse  of  mine  owne,  if  I  had 
enough  for  both  my  master  and  yourselfe.  "  To  this 
the  mother  is  supposed  to  answer,  "  Sonne,  I  forgive 
thee,  and  pray  God  to  blesse  thee  for  this  brave  reso- 
lution ;  if  I  live  I  shall  love  thee  the  better  for  it ; 
God's  will  be  done.  "     The  story  then  adds  that  just 

•  Perfect  Occurrences. 

I90  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

at  this  moment  there  suddenly  appeared  Lord  Went- 
worth,  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  Colonel  Webb, 
who,  attacking  the  besiegers,  killed  many,  took  a 
thousand  prisoners,  rescued  the  mother,  and  relieved 
the  Castle.  ^ 

This  report  is  here  quoted  from  its  original  source; 
it  has  been  often  repeated  since,  but  it  was  not  true. 
The  siege  was  not  raised,  the  Castle  was  not  relieved 
at  this  time,  and  the  supposed  chief  actors  in  the 
affair  were  then  in  Cornwall  or  on  the  adjoining 
borders  of  Devon.  ^  The  Parliamentary  party  soon 
denounced  the  report  as  "  alehouse  intelligence  "  and 
a  "  feeble  lie.  "  ' 

About  the  6th  of  January  1646,  Blake  received  a 
reinforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  these  he 
quartered  some  five  or  six  miles  from  the  Castle,  to 
keep  a  sharp  watch  on  the  Exeter  road.  *  As  relief 
was  constantly  attempted,  these  troopers  had  a  very 
harassing  task.  The  continuance  of  the  siege  and  the 
frequent  marches  and  countermarches  at  this  time 
drew  general  attention  towards  Dunster. 

As  the  Governor  seemed  determined  not  to  sur- 
render, Fairfax  wrote  to  order  Colonel  Blake  to 
proceed  with  the  siege  and  spring  his  mines.  ^  This 
he  did  on  the  3rd  of  January,  fully  expecting  to  blow 
up  the  Castle.  But  the  garrison,  aware  of  what  had 
been  going  on,  had  discovered  one  mine,  and  had 
spoilt  it  by  countermining.  Another  was  not  fired 
or  did  not  spring,  whilst  the  third,  although  it  ex- 
ploded fairly,  only  destroyed  a  part  of  the  wall, 
causing  a  considerable  breach,  but  making  more  noise 
than   execution.  ^     The   road   opened  by  it  was  alto- 

'  Mercurius  Academicns,  No.  3.  ■•  Moderate  Intelligencer,  No.  44. 

*  Mercurius  Civicns,  No.  136.  ^  Perfect  Passages,  No.  63. 

*  Mercurius  Britannicns,  No.  114.  "^  Moderate  Intelligencer,  No.  44. 

CH.  VI.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  191 

gether  too  steep  for  approach,  and  proved  so  inacces- 
sible that  the  intended  attack  could  not  be  made. 
To  the  defenders,  however,  nov^  very  short  of  neces- 
saries, the  breach  proved  a  great  annoyance,  as  they 
were  put  to  double  duty  to  keep  their  guards.  In 
this  emergency.  Sir  Richard  Grenville  wrote  to 
Colonel  Wyndham  exhorting  him  to  hold  out  yet  a 
little  longer  and  promising  that  help  should  certainly 
be  sent.  ^  Two  regiments  accordingly  set  out  on  the 
8  th  of  January,  ostensibly  to  relieve  Exeter,  but  really 
destined  for  Dunster.  Their  plan  was  either  betrayed 
or  discovered  by  their  opponents,  for  some  horse  and 
foot  were  called  from  their  winter  quarters  to  watch 
them,  and  if  necessary  to  go  and  strengthen  Colonel 
Blake.  Seeing  that  their  enemy  was  thus  prepared, 
and  that  relief  was  impossible,  the  Royalists  once  more 
retired,  and  the  blockade  of  Dunster  was  continued 
without  interruption  until  the  end  of  January. 

The  King's  army  being  cooped  up  in  Devon,  the 
Parliamentary  forces  gathering  in  Somerset  concluded 
that  it  was  certainly  trapped.  A  report,  however, 
now  came  that  Goring  intended  to  break  through 
the  ring  and  get  his  whole  force  away.  Orders  were 
at  once  sent  for  the  reserves  in  the  rear  to  be  ready 
to  meet  such  a  movement,  and  Major-General  Massey 
busied  himself  with  making  preparations  near  Crew- 
kerne.  '  Taking  advantage  of  the  attention  of  the 
Parliamentary  force  in  Devon  being  given  to  this 
matter,  a  party  of  fifteen  hundred  horse  and  three 
hundred  foot,  sent  by  Lord  Hopton  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Finch,  managed  to  reach  Dunster, 
and  on  the  5  th  of  February  relieved  the  Castle  with 
four  barrels  of  powder,  thirty  cows  and  fifty  sheep. 

•  Weekly  Account,  No.  2.  *  Perfect  Passages,  No.  65. 

192  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Having  done  this,  they  spoilt  the  mines  and  destroyed 
the  works  thrown  up  by  the  besiegers.  Finding  the 
reUeving  party  too  strong  for  him,  Colonel  Blake  on 
their  arrival  retired  for  protection  into  "  a  strong 
house  ",  possibly  the  Ship  Inn,  and  remained  there 
unmolested.  As  they  left  for  Barnstaple,  however,  he 
sallied  out  on  their  rear  and  took  fifty-three  prisoners, 
but  in  turn  got  himself  into  an  awkward  position, 
from  which  he  had  some  difficulty  in  making  an 
honourable  retreat  without  great  loss.  ^ 

A  report  was  now  circulated  that  the  owner  of  the 
Castle,  and  others  had  offered  to  raise  a  thousand  men 
to  help  the  Parliamentary  army  in  the  west,  ^  but 
Blake  determined  to  continue  the  blockade  until  he 
could  be  strongly  reinforced  from  the  main  army. 
From  his  local  information  he  may  have  judged  that 
this  would  soon  be  possible,  as  not  long  afterwards 
Exeter  fell.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  then,  with  his  usual 
energy,  quickly  moved  off  for  fresh  work,  and  on  the 
8  th  of  April  his  army  was  camped  around  Chard, 
from  whence  he  sent  Colonel  Lambert's  regiment  to 
strengthen  the  force  before  Dunster.  ^ 

Colonel  Blake  had  gone  to  meet  the  General,  when, 
on  Thursday  night,  the  1 6th  of  April,  those  in  the 
Castle  called  to  Captain  Burridge,  who  was  left  in 
command,  to  know  whether  it  were  true,  as  some  of 
his  soldiers  had  stated,  that  Exeter  and  Barnstaple 
had  both  fallen.  Captain  Burridge  "  hearkening  "  to 
what  was  said,  they  asked  to  be  allowed  to  send  to 
Barnstaple  for  confirmation  of  the  news,  promising 
that  if  it  were  true  they  would  capitulate.  The 
Captain  answered  "  that  he  would  not  by  any  false  way 

'  Perject  Passages,  No.  68  ;  A  Diary,  ^  Moderate  Intelligencer,  No.  50. 

No.  3  ;  Moderate,  Intelligencer,  No.  49  ;  ^  /^^^  ]vjq_  ^g 

The  Citties  Weekly  Post,  No.  9. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  193 

of  smooth  language  goe  about  to  begge  their  castle,  " 
and  offered  himself  as  a  hostage  if  they  would  give 
one  of  like  rank  whilst  they  sent  for  intelligence.  He 
declared  himself  willing  to  forfeit  his  life  if  what  he 
had  said  was  not  true,  provided  they  would  agree  to 
surrender  on  a  day  named  if  all  the  news  were  con- 
firmed. Weak  and  reduced  as  the  garrison  now  was, 
and  barely  able  to  defend  more  than  the  keep,  this 
conversation  "  wrought  so  much  upon  them  "  that  on 
Friday  morning  a  request  was  again  made  for  leave  to 
send  for  intelligence.  Notice  having  meantime  arrived 
that  Blake  was  returning,  Captain  Burridge  desired 
them  to  have  a  little  patience,  inasmuch  as  they  should 
get  an  answer  from  the  Colonel  himself.  About  noon 
Blake  arrived,  having  with  him  Major-General  Skip- 
pon's  regiment  and  the  remainder  of  his  own.  This 
force  he  drew  up  in  two  bodies  on  a  hill  facing  the 
Castle,  and,  in  accordance  with  orders  given  by  Fairfax, 
he  sent  in  another  summons  for  surrender.  ^  Deprived 
of  all  hope  of  relief,  Colonel  Wyndham  in  reply 
demanded  a  parley,  the  result  of  which  was  that,  after 
having  sustained  a  close  siege  of  about  a  hundred  and 
sixty  days,  with  a  loss  of  twenty  men,  he  surrendered 
on  the  19th  of  April,  on  the  following  conditions: — 

"  I.  That  the  Castle,  together  with  the  armes,  ammuni- 
tion, and  other  ferniture  of  war  (except  what  is  hereunder 
excepted),  be  delivered  up  into  the  hands  of  the  said  Colonel 
Blake  for  his  Excellency  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  to  the  use  of 
the  King  and  Parliament. 

2.  That  all  Commissioners  Officers  in  the  Castle  shall 
march  away  with  horses  and  armes  and  all  other  necessary 
accouterments  appertaining. 

3.  That  common  officers  and  souldiers,  both  horse  and 
foot,  shall  march  away  with  their  armes  and  either  horse  or 
foot  souldier  shall  have  three  charges  of  powder  and  bullet, 

'  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax's  further  proceedings  in  the  west. 

194  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

with  three  yards  of  match,  for  those  that  have  matchlocks, 
together  with  colours  and  drums. 

4.  That  the  said  Colonell  Windham  shall  carry  with  him 
all  that  is  properly  his,  and  that  which  doth  properly  belong 
to  the  Lady  Windham  shall  be  sent  to  her. 

5.  That  all  officers  and  souldiers  with  all  particular  persons 
of  the  Castle  shall  march  forth  secure,  as  many  as  will,  to 
Oxford  without  delay,  and  those  who  are  otherwise  minded 
shall  lay  down  their  armes  and  have  Let-passes  to  their 
homes,  or  to  any  other  places  they  shall  desire  with  protection 
against  the  violence  of  the  soldiers. 

6.  That  prisoners  to  either  party  be  released. 

7.  That  the  said  Colonell  Francis  Windham  and  his 
souldiers  march  to  Oxford  in  twelve  daies.  "  ^ 

Under  this  agreement  the  Castle  was  delivered  up 
on  the  22nd  of  April.  Six  pieces  of  ordnance  and 
two  hundred  stand  of  arms  were  all  the  booty  found 
within  it.  Colonel  Blake,  writing  from  Taunton,  on 
the  2ist  of  April,  to  report  the  event  to  the  Parlia- 
ment, remarked  that,  at  the  price  of  time  and  blood, 
he  could  no  doubt  have  obtained  very  different  terms, 
but  that  he  was  induced  to  accept  these,  by  his  wish 
to  follow  the  exemplary  clemency  of  his  general. 
"  The  place,  "  he  said,  was  "  strong  and  of  importance 
for  the  passage  into  Ireland.  "  ^  A  public  thanks- 
giving was  now  ordered  for  the  many  and  continued 
successes  of  the  Parliamentary  forces,  Dunster  being 
named  in  the  list  of  places  whose  capture  deserved 
especial  emphasis.  '  Minehead,  too,  rejoiced  that  her 
disagreeable  neighbour  had  fallen,  and  "  paid  the 
ringers  when  Dunster  Castle  was  yeelded  up  "  four 
shillings  and  eight  pence.  * 

A  few  of  Blake's  cannon  balls  have  been  unearthed 
on  the  Tor  in  recent  years.      His  principal  battery  was, 

'  Merctirius  Civicus,  No.  152  ;  Four  ^  Perfect  Diurnal,  No.  144. 

Strong  Castles  taken,  &c.  ♦  Hancock's  Minehead,  p.  70. 

*  Mercuriiis  Civicus,  No.  152. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  195 

it  is  believed,  behind  the  house  now  called  the  Luttrell 
Arms  Hotel.  Another  may  have  been  on  the  north 
side  of  the  town,  as  a  ball,  presumably  fired  by  the 
defenders  of  the  Castle,  was  found  in  the  roof  of  the 
church  some  thirty  years  ago. 

John  Question  of  Dunster,  surgeon,  was  in  1647 
subjected  to  a  fine  of  100/.  for  espousing  the  Royalist 
cause,  but  the  amount  was  eventually  reduced  to  i  o/. 
in  consideration  of  the  gratuitous  services  which  he 
had  rendered  to  sick  and  hurt  soldiers  serving  under 
Colonel  Blake  during  the  siege.  ^ 

A  garrison  was  maintained  at  Dunster  Castle  for 
more  than  five  years  after  its  surrender  to  Blake. 
Thus,  in  October  1 649,  it  was  proposed  to  place  2,000 
foot  of  Somerset  in  Bridgewater  and  Dunster  Castle.  ^ 
George  Luttrell,  although  apparently  allowed  to  live 
in  his  own  house,  was  made  to  feel  that  he  was  not 
supreme  there,  the  defences  being  in  the  hands  of  a 
military  governor,  Major  William  Robinson.  ^  On 
the  25th  of  March  1650,  nearly  fourteen  months 
after  the  execution  of  Charles  the  First,  the  Council 
of  State  resolved  : — 

"  That  it  be  referred  to  the  Committee  which  conferrs 
with  the  Officers  of  the  Armie  to  consider  whether  or  noe 
Dunster  Castle  and  Taunton  Castle,  or  either  of  them,  are  fitt 
to  be  demolished,  and  to  report  to  the  Councell  their  opin- 
ions therein.  "  * 

On  the  6th  of  May,  twelve  barrels  of  gunpowder 
were  issued  "  for  the  supply  of  Taunton  and  Dunster 
Castle, "  and,  on  the  25  th  of  the  same  month,  a  further 
demand  of  the  Governor  of  Dunster  Castle  for  arms 
and  ammunition  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the 

'  Calendar  of  Committee  for  advance  ^  Ibid.  1649-1650,  p.  394. 

of  money,  p.  815.  ■•  S.  P.  Dom.  Interregnum.  I.  64.  f. 

■  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  120. 
1648-1649,  p.  300. 

196  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Ordnance.  ^  The  following  resolutions  are  entered  in 
the  order-book  of  the  Council  of  State  for  the  year 
1650  :— 

6  June.  "  That  a  letter  bee  written  to  Colonell  Desbrow, 
to  let  him  know  that  this  Councell  leaves  it  to  him  to  put 
in  such  number  of  men  into  Dunster  and  Taunton  Castles  as 
hee  shall  thinke  fit  to  secure  them. "  ^ 

5  August.  "  That  it  bee  refered  to  the  Committee  which 
meets  with  the  Officers  of  the  Armie  to  take  into  consider- 
ation the  present  condition  of  Dunster  Castle,  and  to  report 
to  the  Councel  their  opinions  what  they  thinke  fitt  to  bee 
done  therein,  either  as  to  the  makeing  it  untenable  or  re- 
pairing of  it.  "  ^ 

10  August.  "At  the  Committee  for  Marshall  Affaires. 
Ordered  that  the  Committee,  haveing  seriously  considered 
the  present  state  of  the  guarrison  at  Dunster  Castle,  and 
finding  that  the  makeing  of  it  every  way  teneable  against  an 
enemy  will  require  a  great  summe  of  money  which  they  con- 
ceive the  Councell  at  present  cannot  well  spare,  conceive 
it  necessary  that  the  said  guarrison  be  drawne  to  Taunton, 
and  that  the  Castle  be  soe  farre  slighted  as  that  it  may  not  be 
made  suddainely  teneable  by  an  enemy,  and  that  it  be  referred 
to  Major  General!  Desbrow  to  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Militia  for  the  county  to  see  this  done  and  to  send  an  account 
thereof  to  the  Councell.  "  * 

The  vv^ork  of  destruction  was  set  in  hand  without 
delay,  a  rate  being  levied  in  Somerset  "  for  pulling 
downe  Dunster  Castle.  "  ^  A  communication  written 
on  the  spot  on  the  27th  of  August  says  : — 

"  Here  hath  been  above  two  hundred  men  working  at 
this  Castle  these  twelve  daies  about  sleighting  the  same, 
which  is  almost  finished  except  the  dwelling-house  of  Mr. 
Lutterell  and  the  Gatehouse,  according  to  order  of  the 
Councel  of  State.  "  '^ 

1  S.  p.  Dom.  Interregnum.  I.  64.  ff.  *  Ibid.  f.  70. 

312,  389.  4  Savage's  History  of  the  Hundred  of 

*  Ibid.  {.  426.  Carhampton,  p.  436. 

*  Ibid.  I.  8.  f.  49.  6  ^  Perfect  Diurnal,  no.  38. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  197 

The  preservation  of  such  parts  of  the  fabric  as  still 
remain  is  due  to  a  resolution  of  the  Council  of  State 
on  the  20th  of  August,  v^hich  arrived  rather  late  : — 

"  To  write  to  Major  Robinson  that  Dunster  Castle  be 
continued  in  the  condition  it  is  till  further  order  of  the 
Councell,  and  that  there  bee  twenty  or  thertie  chozen  men 
there  for  the  defence  thereof.  "  ^ 

Six  months  later  we  read  : — 

"  George,  son  and  heire  to  Thomas,  succeded  him  in  his 
estate.  His  castle  of  Dunster  and  estate  being  in  the 
enimies'  hands  at  his  father's  death,  he  enjoyed  little  thereof 
till  reduced.  The  walles  of  his  castle  of  Dunster,  Mount 
Stweevens  and  a  fair  new  building  therin  were  totally  de- 
molished and  his  gatehouse  much  defaced,  by  an  order  from 
Whitehall  under  Mr.  Bradshaw  his  hand,  and  another  from 
the  Malitica,  without  and  before  any  notice,  veiw  or  re- 
compence,  August  8,  1650,  to  about  3000/.  dammages,  to 
save  the  charge  of  a  garrison,  and  his  very  mantioned  house 
at  first  advise  to  be  puld  down  by  the  MaHticia,  but  after- 
wards countermanded,  and  twenty  souldiers  put  into  his 
house  to  gaurd  Mr.  Prynne  close  prisoner  there. 

"  His  wife  is  now  pregnant.  God  send  her  a  sonn  and 
heir,  a  joyfuU  delivery  and  numerous  happy  posterity,  to 
perpetiate  the  family  and  name  with  onner  and  happines,  to 
God's  glory  and  the  publick  welfare  of  the  country  and 
kingdom  in  their  successive  genarations  till  the  second  com- 
ing of  Jesus  Christ,  which  is  the  cordiall  option  and  fervent 
prayer  of  the  collector  of  this  pedigree.     Febr.  1 8,  anno  1 650. 

Will.  Prynne,  Esq.  "  ^ 

The  writer  of  this  was  one  of  the  chief  pamphlet- 
eers of  his  time.  Few  sentences  of  the  Court  of 
StarChamber  had  done  so  much  to  bring  it  into  dis- 
repute as  those  by  which  William  Prynne  had  been 
condemned  to  lose  both  his  ears  in  the  pillory,  and  to 
be  branded  on  the  cheeks  with  the  letters  'S.L.'  mean- 

'  S.P.  Dom.  Interregnum,  I.9.  f.  13.  *  D.C.M.  xxxviii.  100. 

198  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

ing  '  Seditious  Libeller.  '  He  had  taken  some  re- 
venge on  the  Government  of  Charles  the  First  by 
hounding  Archbishop  Laud  to  the  scaffold,  but  he 
had  protested  against  the  execution  of  the  King  and 
had  written  pamphlets  denouncing  the  regime  that  had 
been  substituted  for  the  monarchy. 

On  the  25th  of  June  1650,  the  Council  of  State 
issued  a  warrant  for  the  apprehension  of  William 
Prynne  for  writing  and  practising  against  the  Com- 
monwealth, and  for  his  confinement  at  Dunster  Castle, 
where  nobody  was  to  be  allowed  to  confer  with  him 
except  in  the  presence  of  his  gaoler.  ^  Finding  that 
the  muniments  of  George  Luttrell  were  in  a  "  con- 
fused chaos,  "  he  employed  his  time  in  making  an 
arrangement  of  them  according  to  localities,  which 
has  been  maintained  to  the  present  time.  He  also 
compiled  a  general  calendar  of  them,  at  the  end  of 
which  there  is  a  characteristic  note  that  it  was  made 
"  by  William  Prynne  of  Swainswick,  Esq.  in  the 
eight  months  of  his  illegall,  causeless,  close  impris- 
onment in  Dunster  Castle  by  Mr.  Bradshaw  and  his 
companions  at  Whitehall,  Feb.  18,  Anno  Dom.  1650, 
2  Car.  IL  "  The  obstinacy  of  the  man  is  shown  by 
his  reference  to  the  regnal  year  of  a  prince  in  exile. 
From  Dunster,  he  was  that  year  removed  to  Taunton, 
and  thence  to  Pendennis  Castle.  ^  Soon  after  the 
Restoration,  he  was  appointed  Keeper  of  the  Records 
at  the  Tower  of  London.  ^ 

The  following  letters  show  the  ultimate  decision  of 
the  Council  of  State  with  respect  to  Dunster  Castle  : — 

"  To  the  Commissioners  of  the  Militia  of  the  County  of 

Gentlemen.     Although  there  appeare  not  much  at  present 

'  S.P.  Dom.  Interregnum,  1.64.  f.  481.  ^Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 

* /6irf.  1.96.  f.  253.  vol.  xlvi. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  199 

of  any  stirring  of  the  enemy,  yet  Wee  have  sure  information 
that  they  have  designes  on  foot  at  present  of  great  danger 
to  the  Commonwealth  and  particularly  in  those  parts  ;  to 
prevent  which  Wee  think  it  necessary  that  such  places  as  are 
not  yet  made  untenable  should  have  some  strength  put  into 
them  to  prevent  the  enemyes'  surprize.  And  Wee  being 
informed  that  Dunster  Castle,  the  house  of  Mr.  Lutterell, 
is  yet  in  condition  that  if  it  be  seized  by  the  enemy  might 
prove  dangerous,  Wee  therefore  desire  you  to  appoint  some 
Militia  forces  to  prevent  the  surprize  of  it,  till  there  may  be 
some  course  taken  to  make  it  untenable,  or  that  the  state  of 
affairs  may  not  be  subject  to  the  like  danger  as  now  they  are. 

Whitehall,  25  March  1651.  "  ^ 
"  To  Major  General  Desborowe. 

Sir.  Wee  are  informed  from  Major  Robinson,  Govern- 
our  of  Taunton  and  Dunster  Castle,  that  the  forces  remayn- 
ing  in  those  garrisons  are  not  sufficient  to  enable  him  to 
preserve  the  same  for  the  service  of  the  state.  Wee  there- 
fore desire  you  to  consider  those  places  and  the  forces  in 
them,  and  in  what  you  find  those  forces  defective  to  make 
supply  thereof,  that  the  Governour  may  be  able  to  give  a 
good  accompt  thereof  to  the  Commonwealth. 

Whitehall,  20  Male  1651.  "' 
"  To  George  Lutterell,  Esq.  of  Dunster  Castle. 

Sir.  Wee  conceive  it  hath  been  some  prejudice  to  you 
that  your  house  hath  been  still  continued  a  garrison,  which 
Wee  are  willing  you  should  be  freed  from,  soe  as  the 
Commonwealth  may  be  assured  from  danger  by  it.  And 
Wee  doubt  not  but  you  will  bee  carefuU  to  keepe  the  place 
from  the  enemies'  surprise  in  respect  of  your  interest  in  it. 
But  that  Wee  may  be  able  to  give  the  Commonwealth 
a  good  accompt  of  that  place  upon  the  remove  of  that  gar- 
rison, Wee  hold  fit  that  you  enter  recognizance  before  two 
justices  of  the  peace  with  two  suretyes  to  the  Keepers  of  the 
Liberty  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England,  yourself  in  6000/. 
and  3000/.  each  of  your  suretyes.  The  condition  to  bee  that 
you  shall  not  suffer  any  use  to  be  made  of  your  said  house 
of  Dunster  Castle  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Commonwealth 

'  S.P.  DoiTi.  Interregnum,  196.  f.  73.  '  Ibid.  f.  193. 

200  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

and  present  Government,  which  being  done,  Wee  have  given 
order  to  Major  Generall  Desborow  to  draw  off  the  men  that 
are  in  the  same  castle  and  dispose  of  them  as  Wee  have 
given  order.  Wee  have  had  information  of  designes  upon 
that  your  Castle,  the  prevention  of  the  operation  whereof 
hath  occasioned  our  putting  of  a  guard  there  ;  and  having 
now  put  it  into  this  way  wherein  Wee  have  had  regard  of 
your  conveniency.  Wee  expect  you  to  be  careful  of  what 
besides  your  particular  herein,  concerns  the  interest  of  the 
publique.  Whitehall,  27  Maii  1651."^ 

On  the  same  day,  Major-General  Desborow  was 
instructed  to  draw  off  the  twenty  men  who  were 
quartered  at  Dunster  Castle  as  soon  as  George  Luttrell 
should  have  entered  into  the  recognisances  prescribed. 

The  Government  afterwards  became  so  well  satis- 
fied of  George  Luttrell's  loyalty  to  the  Commonwealth 
as  to  appoint  him  Sheriff  of  Somerset,  in  November 
1652.'  A  half-length  portrait  of  Oliver  Cromwell 
in  armour,  by  Robert  Walker,  still  hangs  in  the  hall 
at  Dunster  Castle. 

George  Luttrell  married  firstly  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Nicholas  Prideaux  of  Soldon,  in  Devonshire.  The 
expected  heir,  for  whom  Prynne  had  expressed  such 
solicitude,  was  born  at  Dunster  on  the  i8th  of  April 
1 65  I,  but  lived  only  a  short  time,  being  baptized  by 
the  name  of  George  on  the  6th  of  May  and  buried 
on  the  same  day.  Mrs.  Luttrell  died  on  the  22nd 
of  May  1652,  and  was  buried  at  Dunster  the  same 
evening.  A  few  weeks  later,  on  the  15th  of  July, 
George  Luttrell  married  her  cousin  Honora,  daughter 
of  John  Fortescue  of  Buckland  Filleigh,  in  Devonshire. 
As  a  memorial  of  their  wedding,  they  gave  to  the 
church  of  Buckland  Filleigh  a  silver  flagon  bearing 
their  arms,  which  is  still   in  use.      George  Luttrell 

'  S.  p.  Dom.  Interregnum,  196.  f.  202.  '  List  of  Sheriffs,  p.  125. 

-  Ibid.  I.  203.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  201 

died  in  1655,  at  the  age  of  thirty,  without  issue.  A 
large  sum  was  expended  on  his  burial,  Henry  Prigg 
of  Exeter  charging  loi/.  for  cloth,  and  Edward 
Foxwell  of  the  same  city  charging  no  less  than  159/. 
"  for  wines  for  the  funerall."  Honora,  the  widow, 
hved  at  Exeter. 

Francis  Luttrell,  son  of  Thomas  and  brother  of 
George  succeeded.  Of  his  early  years  nothing  is 
known  except  that  he  was  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the 
ist  of  November  1628  and  admitted  a  member  of 
Lincoln's  Inn  in  1646.  On  the  last  day  of  March 
1660,  he  was  returned  for  the  neighbouring  borough 
of  Minehead  to  the  Parliament  which  effected  the 
Restoration.  He  was  similarly  returned  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring  and  he  sat  until  his  death  in  1666. 
There  was  in  his  time  a  project  of  instituting  an 
'  Order  of  the  Royal  Oak '  to  commemorate  the  loyalty 
of  the  faithful  adherents  of  the  House  of  Stuart,  but 
the  King  eventually  abandoned  it  as  likely  to  perpet- 
uate political  dissensions.  A  list  of  suitable  persons 
had,  however,  been  prepared,  county  by  county,  and 
among  the  fifteen  nominated  from  Somerset  we  find 
Francis  Luttrell,  who  was  reputed  to  have  an  income 
of  1500/.  ^  Considering  that  his  relations,  Luttrells 
and  Pophams  alike,  had  been  Roundheads,  the  inclus- 
ion of  his  name  among  those  of  noted  Cavaliers,  like 
Stawell,  Berkeley  and  Gorges,  seems  strange,  but  the 
demolition  of  the  greater  part  of  Dunster  Castle  by 
order  of  the  Council  of  State  after  the  Civil  War  was 
over,  may  have  caused  a  change  in  his  politics. 

Francis  Luttrell's  wife,  Lucy,  came  also  of  a  Round- 
head family,  being  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Symonds 

'  Wotton's  English   Baronetage  (ed.       5th  Series,  vol.  iv.  pp.  49,  151,  238. 
174 1),  vol.  iv.  p.  374  ;  Notes  and  Queries, 

202  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

of  Whittlesford,  in  Cambridgeshire,  and  the  grand- 
daughter of  John  Pym,  the  great  ParHamentary  leader. 
The  couple  may  have  met  at  Charles  Pym's  house  at 
Brymore,  near  Bridgewater.  The  marriage  took  place 
on  the  8th  of  October  1655,  ^^  Buckland  Monach- 
orum  in  Devonshire,  where  the  bride  must  have  been 
staying  w^ith  her  aunt.  Lady  Drake.  Four  years 
later,  Francis  Luttrell  made  an  elaborate  settlement 
with  a  view  to  preserving  his  estates  in  his  own 
"  name  and  blood,  "  and  accordingly  conveyed  to 
trustees  the  castle,  manor,  and  borough  of  Dunster, 
the  manors  of  Carhampton  Barton,  Minehead,  Rod- 
huish,  Kilton,  East  Quantockshead,  Withycombe 
Hadley,  Williton  Hadley,  Vexford  and  Heathfield 
Durborough,  the  priory  of  Dunster,  the  hundred  of 
Carhampton,  the  parks  of  Dunster,  Marshwood  and 
Quantockshead,  Marshwood  farm,  and  lands  in  those 
and  other  neighbouring  places.  These  were  settled  on 
him  for  life  with  successive  remainders  in  tail  male  to 
his  own  sons,  to  Hugh  Luttrell  of  Rodhuish,  gentle- 
man, George  Luttrell,  gentleman,  son  of  George 
Luttrell,  clerk,  Francis  Luttrell  of  Gray's  Inn,  esquire, 
Anthony  Luttrell  of  Hartland,  esquire,  and  Southcote 
Luttrell  of  Saunton  Court,  esquire,  with  the  exception 
of  the  manor  of  Heathfield  and  lands  at  Venn,  Cot- 
ford  and  Norton  Fitzwarren,  which  were  reserved  for 
his  second  son  Francis.  ^ 

There  are  few  memorials  of  the  first  Francis  Lut- 
trell beyond  legal  documents  and  bills.  In  1663,  he 
paid  no  less  than  4/.  for  "  a  smale  great  sadle  for  a 
child,  of  pinck  coulored  plush  trimed  with  silver  lace." 
At  another  time  a  "  box  of  sweetmeates  "  cost  him 
7/.  i6j.      In  1665,  the  price  of  sherry  and  sack  alike 

'  Legal  common-place  book  belong-       C.B.  f.  33. 
ing  to  Mr.  C.  E.  H.  Chadvvyck  Healey, 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  203 

was  5 J.  per  gallon.  The  price  of  claret  ranged  from 
4/.  6/.  8^.  to  4/.  I  3J-.  4^.  per  '  tearce,  '  the  tearce  being 
a  third  of  a  pipe. 

Francis  Luttrell  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  14th 
of  March  1666.  By  Lucy  his  wife,  who  survived, 
he  left  issue  three  sons,  Thomas,  Francis,  and  Alex- 
ander, each  of  whom  in  turn  succeeded  to  his  landed 
estate.  The  widow,  however,  was  the  actual  manager 
of  it  for  some  fourteen  years. 

On  the  death  of  Jane  Luttrell  of  Marshwood  in 
1668,  Lucy  Luttrell  of  Dunster  became  involved  in 
suits  at  the  Somerset  Assizes,  in  the  Court  of  Ex- 
chequer, and  in  the  Chancery,  on  behalf  of  her  young- 
est son,  Alexander,  commonly  called  '  Sany.  '  The 
old  grandmother  had  undertaken  to  provide  for  the 
boy  and  had  duly  made  a  will  in  his  favour.  ^  "  She 
hoped  to  make  Sany  almost  as  good  a  man  as  his 
elder  brother  ;  saying  that  if  his  elder  brother  invited 
him  to  dinner,  he  should  be  able  to  invite  his  elder 
brother  to  supper.  "  She  seems  to  have  been  of  a 
miserly  disposition,  for,  instead  of  buying  land  or 
otherwise  investing  her  money,  she  amassed  "  a  great 
treasure  of  gold,  silver,  &c.  "  at  Marshwood.  In  1 667, 
the  country  people  at  Stoke  Courcy  apprehended  nine 
persons  well  horsed  and  armed,  who  confessed  before 
the  magistrates  a  design  of  robbing  her  house.  At 
her  death,  however,  only  i  50/.  were  found  there  out 
of  about  10,000/.  that  she  was  believed  to  have  hoard- 
ed. At  the  instigation  of  Lucy  Luttrell,  two  of  the 
servants  were  indicted  of  felony,  and  at  a  later  stage, 
she  charged  her  own  sister-in-law  Amy  and  her  hus- 
band, George  Reynell,  with  having  caused  large  sums 
of  money  in  bags  to  be  secretly  removed  from  Marsh- 

•  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.  vi.  p.  i8. 

204  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

wood.  '  The  Reynells  were  eventually  condemned 
in  6000/.  with  200/.  costs,  and  George  Reynell  was  im- 
prisoned successively  in  the  Fleet  and  the  Marshalsea. 
After  his  escape  from  the  latter,  Lucy  Luttrell  sued 
the  Marshal  and  Keeper  of  the  gaol  and  obtained 
iudgment  for  the  6,200/. 

Lucy  Luttrell  survived  until  Christmas  Eve  171 8, 
and  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  7th  of  January  1 7 1 9. 

Thomas  Luttrell,  eldest  son  of  Francis  and  Lucy, 
was  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  19th  of  March  1657, 
but  he  died  under  age  and  was  buried  there  on  the 
20th  of  July  1670. 

Francis  Luttrell,  second  son  of  Francis  and  Lucy, 
was  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  i6th  of  June  1659. 
He  matriculated  at  Christ  Church  in  March  1676, 
but  left  Oxford  without  a  degree.  While  he  was  an 
undergraduate,  there  was  an  idea  of  buying  a  peerage 
for  him.  Anthony  Wood  notes  under  the  date  of 
26  October  1678  : — 

"  I  was  told  from  Sir  Thomas  Spencer's  house  that  the 
King  hath  given  Dr.  Fell,  Bishop  of  Oxon,  a  patent  for  an 
Earl  (which  comes  to  about  1000/.)  towards  the  finishing  of 
the  great  gate  of  Christ  Church  next  to  Pembroke  College. 
He  intends  to  bestow  it  on  Mr.  Lutterell,  a  gentleman  com- 
moner of  Christ  Church,  of  Somersetshire,  having  4000/.  per 
annum  at  present.  "  ^ 

Francis  Luttrell's  income  was  certainly  overstated, 
and  nothing  came  of  the  scheme.  While  he  was 
still  under  age,  he  was,  in  February  1679,  returned  to 
Parliament  as  one  of  the  members  for  Minehead,  and, 

'  state  Papers,  Charles  H.  vol.  192,  *  Wood's  Life  and  Times,  vol.  ii.  p. 

no.  118 ;  vol.  229,  no.  151;  vol.  272,  no.      421. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  205 

being  re-elected  at  the  next  four  elections,  he  contin- 
ued to  represent  that  borough  until  his  death.  ^ 

On  the  1 5  th  of  July  1 680,  a  few  weeks  after  attain- 
ing his  majority,  Francis  Luttrell  married  a  beautiful 
lady,  Mary,  daughter  and  heiress  of  John  Tregonwell 
of  Milton  Abbas  in  Dorset.  She  was  wealthy  too, 
having  an  independent  income  of  2,500/.  a  year,  the 
capital  value  of  which  she  estimated  at  50,000/. 

Ten  months  after  his  marriage,  Francis  Luttrell 
was  appointed  by  the  Earl  of  Winchilsea,  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Somerset,  to  be  Colonel  of  a  regiment  of  foot 
in  succession  to  Sir  Halswell  Tynte,  and  he  was  in 
command  of  the  local  forces  when  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  landed  at  Lyme  in  June  1685.  *  In  this 
emergency  he  had  recourse  to  his  wife.  It  had  been 
his  habit  to  give  her  a  guinea  or  broad  piece  of  gold 
whenever  any  of  his  tenants  paid  a  fine  for  the  renewal 
of  a  lease,  and  so  she  had  accumulated  about  500/.  at 
Dunster  Castle.  From  this  hoard  she  then  withdrew 
about  200/.  for  his  assistance.  ^  He  was,  however, 
obliged  to  evacuate  Taunton  on  the  approach  of  the 
Duke,  who  there  assumed  the  title  of  King. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  battle  of  Sedgemoor,  the 
churchwardens  of  Dunster  paid  71.  td.  to  the  ringers 
"  upon  the  rout  of  Monmouth.  "  The  churchward- 
ens and  the  overseers  alike  incurred  a  small  expense 
in  "  presenting  the  rebells  "  at  Stogumber,  and  three 
men  were  hanged  at  Dunster  after  the  "  Bloody 
Assizes.  " 

In  the  later  part  of  the  short  reign  of  James  the 
Second,  Francis  Luttrell  was  no  longer  to  be  reckoned 
as  one  of  his  supporters.      In  1687,  he  declined  to 

>  Return  of  Members  of  Parliament.  ^  chancery  Proceedings,  Mitford  538, 

*  Historical  MSB.  Commission,   Re-      no.  2. 
port  iii.  p.  96. 

2o6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

vote  for  the  repeal  of  the  penal  laws,  and  he  was  one 
of  the  first  men  of  importance  to  join  the  standard  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange  at  Exeter  in  November  1688.  ^ 
Receiving  from  him  a  commission  to  raise  an  inde- 
pendent company  of  foot,  he  applied  himself  to  the 
task  with  such  energy  that  he  collected  the  necessary 
men  in  the  course  of  three  days,  and  he  maintained 
them  at  his  own  expense  for  a  fortnight.  The  local 
tradesmen,  however,  took  advantage  of  his  haste,  and 
charged  him  1,500/.  for  clothes  which  soon  proved 
worthless.  ^  In  the  following  February,  several  com- 
panies were  amalgamated  into  a  regular  regiment  of 
the  line,  and  he  was  appointed  to  be  its  first  Colonel. 
Most  of  the  officers  belonged  to  families  well  known 
in  Somerset  and  Devon  such  as  Northcote,  Malet, 
Bowyer,  Wyndham,  Coward,  Dodington,  Prater, 
Sydenham,  Stocker  and  Hancock.  After  going  for 
a  time  to  Portsmouth  and  the  Isle  of  Wight,  the 
regiment  took  up  its  quarters  at  Plymouth.  At  a  later 
period,  it  became  known  as  the  'Nineteenth  Foot,'  and 
associated  with  Yorkshire.  ^  A  number  of  old  match- 
locks branded  with  the  initials  "  F.L. "  are  still 
preserved  at  Dunster  Castle.  There  is  also  there  an 
oval  portrait  of  Francis  Luttrell  in  a  large  brown 
periwig,  with  military  lace  tie  and  a  steel  gorget  with 
gilt  rivets. 

Colonel  Luttrell  and  his  wife  used  to  spend  very 
large  sums  on  clothes  for  themselves,  their  children, 
and  their  servants.  A  series  of  bills  rendered  by 
William  Franklyn  of  the  parish  of  Covent  Garden, 
tailor,  is  interesting  as  illustrating  the  history  of 
costume  and  showing  in  detail  the  cost  of  different 

^  Green  sMarchofWillJamo/Orange,       i.  p.  i68. 
pp.  29,  32,  48,  57.  s  Cannon's  Historical  Record  of  the 

*  Calendar  of  Treasury  Papers,  vol.       Nineteenth  Regiment. 


CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  207 

materials,  at  a  time  when  the  purchasing  power  of 
money  was  much  greater  than  it  is  now.  As  will 
be  seen  by  the  extracts  to  be  given  below,  the  tailor 
and  the  seamstress  got  comparatively  little  for  their 

168 1,  August.  "  Making  a  rich  laced  cloath  suite,  i/.  i  Ss. 
Silk  and  galloone,  ^s.  A  pair  of  scarlett  silk  stockings  with 
gold,  i/.  155.  Buckles  to  the  britches,  35.  6^.  Silk  to  line 
the  britches,  I  oj.  Pocketts  and  staying  tape,  3 j  6^.  A  sett 
of  rich  gold  buttons,  2/.  14^.6^.  Rich  gold  brest  buttons,  4^.6^. 
Fine  drawing  the  suite,  3J.  6^.  2^  yards  of  superfine  gray 
cloth,  2/.  1 2 J.  6^.  Buckram  and  canvas,  is.  3^.  5 J  yards  of 
rich  Florence  sattin,  to  line  the  coate,  4/.  14J.  Scarlett  plaine 
ribbon,  i/.  5J.  4  yards  rich  gold  and  scarlett  ribbon,  6/.  ^s. 
18  yards  rich  gold  orar  lace  for  coate  and  britches,  18/. 
Gold  chaine  to  the  suite,  14J.  9^.  Rich  gold  needle  for  the 
gloves,  10/.  5 J.  A  pair  of  gloves,  makeing  and  faceing,  gs. 
A  scarlett  fether,  i/.  8j.  Rich  needle  gold  fring  fora  scarffe, 
35/.  5^.     Silk  for  the  scarffe  and  makeing  itt,  iSs.  " 

In  March  1682,  there  are  charges  for  "a  light 
coUoured  cloath  suite,  "  made  of  "  superfine  Spanish 
cloath  att  20s.  per  yard,  "  on  which  were  no  less  than 
"12  dozen  of  rich  gold  buttons  at  41.  6^.  per  dozen,  " 
besides  "  gold  buttons  for  the  britches  "  costing  3J-.  6d. 
On  the  same  day,  Franklyn  supplied  "  a  sad  colloured 
suite,  "  which  also  had  "  12  dozen  of  rich  gold 
buttons  "  as  before,  and  "  5  dozen  of  gold  brest  ditto 
for  wast  [coat]  and  britches,  "  the  latter  evidently 
small  and  costing  only  i  os.  or  2s.  a  dozen.  The  "  sad 
colloured  gold  and  silver  ribbon  for  shoulder  and 
sword  "  cost  2/.  I  oj.  "  Rich  broad  gold  orace  lace 
for  the  wast  [coat]  and  hands  of  the  coate  "  cost  7/. 

Some  three  weeks  later,  particulars  are  given  of 
"  a  druggitt  suite.  "  The  material  cost  only  ^s.  a 
yard,  but  it  must  have  been  narrow,  as  eight  yards 
were  required.      A  similar  quantity  was  used  a  month 

2o8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

later  in  making  "a  stuffe  suite"  but  the  "fine  stufFe" 
cost  gs.  9^.  a  yard.  On  this  there  were  "  1 1  dozen 
of  silver  and  silk  buttons"  costing  i/.  iSs.  td.  and 
"  3  J  dozen  of  small  buttons  "  costing  \s.  6d.  "  A  sett 
of  figured  i  od.  ribbon  for  sword,  shoulder  and  hand 
knotts, "  belonging  to  it,  cost  3/.  4J.  and  "  2  dozen 
of  pinck  and  green  \6d.  ribbon  cost  i/.  12s.  " 

In  August,  Colonel  Luttrell  ordered  another  "  stufFe 
suite,  "  and  in  October  another  "  cloath  suite,  "  made 
of  "  fine  Spanish  cloath  att  20s.  per  yard.  "  "  A  long 
wastcoate  "  to  be  worn  with  the  latter  required  4^ 
yards  of  "  Florence  sattin  "  at  1 3J.  per  yard.  In 
November,  he  had  "  a  cloath  rideing  coate  "  made  of 
"  fine  Spanish  drabdebery  ^  att  20j-.  per  yard,  "  lined 
with  "  blew  fine  rateene,  "  and  ornamented  with  "  larg 
silver  plate  buttons"  that  cost  3/.  los. 

In  April  1683,  Colonel  Luttrell  ordered  two  suits. 
One  of  them  was  made  of  "  light  cloath  "  at  20s.  a 
yard  and  had  "  gold  and  silver  buttons  "  costing  i  /.  1 6s. 
and  silver  trimmings.  The  other  was  made  of  "  fine 
stufii^,  "  apparently  very  narrow,  costing  js.  a  yard. 
In  July,  he  ordered  a  coat  of  "  gray  cloath  "  at  16/.  a 
yard,  lined  with  "  Florence  sarcenett,  "  and  a  pair 
of  "  bufFe  britches.  " 

By  1685,  male  costume  seems  to  have  become  rath- 
er simpler,  the  number  and  cost  of  buttons  having  been 
greatly  reduced.  A  coat  made  in  November  of  that 
year  of  "  fine  French  ratteen  "  at  20/.  a  yard,  had 
facings  of  striped  satin  to  the  "  hands,  "  or  cuffs.  The 
breeches  worn  with  it  were  of  "  black  floward  velvet.  " 
A  "  cloath  suite  "  made  in  the  same  month  had  only 
a  few  "  silke  buttons  "  costing  8j.  and  the  stockings 
were  only  of  "  wosted.  "     On    the  other  hand,  the 

'  Drap  de  Berry,  woollen  cloth  as  made  in  Berry  in  France. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  209 

waistcoat  required  "  5J-  yards  of  blew  Florence  dam- 
ask "  costing  3/.  IIS.  bd.  and  there  was  5/.  worth 
of  gold  lace  on  it  and  on  the  "  cuffs "  of  the  coat. 
A  drugget  coat  made  in  June  1686  was  worn  over  a 
silk  waistcoat  trimmed  with  broad  silver  lace  costing 
2/.  loj".  and  breeches  of  "  rich  damaske  "  of  colours 
unspecified.  A  riding  coat  of  "  drabdubery  "  had 
velvet  facings  to  the  sleeves  and  the  neck. 

In  September  1687,  Colonel  Luttrell  had  a  coat  of 
"  fine  Segovia  serge  "  adorned  with  "  rich  black  and 
gold  lace,  "  a  waistcoat  of  "  scarlet  ratteene,  "  breeches 
of  "  rich  Scarlett  velvett,  "  and  a  pair  of  fine  worsted 
stockings.  In  January  1689,  he  had  a  coat  of  fine 
blue  cloth,  lined  with  "  black  rasdejane,  "  a  "  black 
ratteene  wastcoat  "  and  breeches  of  "black  flowered 
velvett.  "  The  buttons  were  of  black  silk  and  inex- 
pensive. A  waistcoat  of  white  and  gold  silk  cost 
17/.  IS.  3^.,  in  April,  1689,  the  material  alone  being 
reckoned  at  55/.  a  yard.  In  that  month  there  were 
extra  charges  on  a  uniform  apparently  supplied  by 
the  Government: — 

"  To  pay  for  the  lineing  of  your  imbroydered  coat,  being 
of  richer  sattin  and  much  better  than  the  lineing  of  the  other 
officers  i/.  6j.  To  pay  for  blew  cloth  for  your  coat,  being 
much  better  than  the  other  officers,  \os.  " 

In  June,  Franklyn  himself  supplied  a  coat  of  scar- 
let cloth,  adorned  with  "  9  dozen  rich  double  water 
gilt  buttons  "  at  \os.  a  dozen,  a  waistcoat  of  "  India 
camlett  "  "  with  loops  all  over  "  of  blue  and  gold, 
and  velvet  breeches.  The  following  items  occur  at 
various  dates  between  1681  and  1689  : — 

"  A  morning  gowne,  4/.  lis. 
6  pair  of  the  best  jessimy  gloves,  15J. 
A  set  of  sterling  plate  buttons,  5/. 
A  dozen  of  carr  whips,  i  /.  65. 

2IO  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

6  hunting  whips,  i2s. 

A  leading  pike  with  a  gold  head,  i/.  12s. 

A  pattison  (i.e.  partizan),  i/.  Ss. 

A  gold  sword,  3/.  js. 

2  lace  cravatts  and  ruffles,  13/.  lOJ. 

2  pair  of  stifned  gloves  faced,  12s. 

A  white  bever,  3/.  4;.  6^. 

A  black  French  hat  edged  with  gold,  and  a  gold  hat-band,  i  ys. 

A  black  French  hat,  plaine,  ip. 

Laid  out  in  receiving  a  thousand  pounds  for  you,  iL 

A  gold  belt,  2/.  I  ys.  6d. 

4  pair  of  fine  gloves,  1 55.  6d, 

2  pair  of  perfumed  gloves,  1 9J.  6d. 

3  fine  long  lace  cravatts,  10/. 

A  black  bever,  3  guinneyes,  3/.  4J.  6^. 

A  Venetian  morning  gowne  lined   with   blew  sattin,  cap, 

and  sleeppers,  7/. 

2  pair  of  doeskin  gloves,6j.     Trimming  them  and  faceing,  3J. 
A  lead  combe,  2s. 

A  rich  gould  neckcloth,   i/.  is.  6d.     Two  wrought  gould 
dittos,  i/. 

3  fine  whipps,  i/.  lOJ. 
3  cane  whipps,  lOJ. 

A  black  Carolina  hatt  and  band,  135. 
A  case  of  French  rasors,  i/.  is.  6d. 
Haifa  pound  of  snuffe,  i/.  8j. 

Franklyn's  bills  for  goods  supplied  to  Mrs.  Lutt- 
rell  begin  about  the  time  of  the  birth  of  her  eldest 
daughter.     The  following  are  some  of  the  items  : — 

1 68 1,  October  10.  "A  suite  of  lace  childbed  linen, 
mantle  and  apron,  10/.  Broad  fine  lace,  61.  los.  7  yards 
broad  fine  lace,  305.  per  yard,  10/.  ioj.  6  yards  of  broad 

fine  lace  att  22j.  per  yard,  61.  I2s. 

A  bone  lace  night  raile,  61.  6s.     A  cornet  and  coife,  6/.  55. 
A  childbed  suite  of  fine  hoUand,  i/.     A  pair  of  bone  lace 
ruffles,  2/. 

A  silver  porringer  and  spoone,  i/.  55. 
Another  suite  of  fine  lace  linnen,  61.  los. 
Damask  and  diaper  for  clouts,  1 2/.  1 55. 

CH.  VI.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  211 

A  lace  Holland  wastcoate,  3/.  12s. 

Damask  mantle  sleeves  night  wastcoate,  cap  and  rowlers, 

2/.  i^s. 

A  pair  of  rich  silk  bodyes  and  sleeves,  2/.  i  8j. 

Paid   for    the  cradle,    bolster,   pillow,    and   quilt  of  white 

imbroidered  sattin,  16/. 

A  white  sattin  bed  quilt,  3/.  los. 

An  allamode  hood,  ^s. 

A  rich  gold  fringe  for  a  petticoate,  ill.  los. 

6|  yards  of  lace  for  the  tylight  (/.  e.  toilette),  at  i8j.  per 

yard,  6/.  is.  dd. 

18  yards  of  rich  white  sattin  and  gold  floured  silk  for  the 

gowne  and  pettycoate  at  265.  per  yard,  23/.  8j.  Making  the 

gowne  and  pettycoate,  lis. 

Cherry  coUoured  manto  to  line  the  gowne,  il.  is.  6d. 

3  yards  of  cherry  and  gold  flowred  silk  for  the  twylight 

(/.  e.  toilette),  at  3  35.  per  yard,  4/.  19J. 

3^  yards  of  rich  cherry  gold  and  silver  flowred  silk  for  a 

mantle,  at  385.  per  yard,  61.  35.     Florence  sarcenett  to  line 

all  three  mantles,  3/.      White  Florence  sattin  to  make  a 

mantle,  4/.  6s.     Makeing  the  two  mantles  and  tweelight  with 

broad  lace,  i/. 

A  pair  of  silk  sleepers,  8j.  6d. 

Flourishes  for  pointe,  lu.  " 

October  11.  "2  yards  of  lace  for  a  pillowber,  il.  12s. 
A  chest  of  drawers.  Prince  wood,  4/.  los. 
7  J  yards  of  silver  lace,  13  J.  per  yard,  4/.  145.  3<^.  " 

1682,  January  2.  "A  fine  cornett  {i.e.  coronet),  8j. 
2  papers  of  patches,  2j. 
A  flowred  roule,  45. 
A  crimson  topknott,  2S.  6d. 
A  sett  of  fillagreene,  61.  \\s. 

February  19.     "A  white  allamode  hood,  95. 
2  dimity  wastcoates,  3J.  6d.  2  silk  wastcoates,  3/.  \os.  " 

April  24.  "22  yards  of  black  French  fine  gause,  at  \s.  6d. 
per  yard,  4/.  19J. 
A  suite  of  blew  sattin  knots,  gloves,  and  girdle,  4/. 

May  8.     "  A  pair  of  cherry  and  gold  lace  shoose,  15J. 
A  pair  of  black  and  silver  fringe  shoose,  1 5J. 

212  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Makeing  a  rich  gold  and  white  pettycoate,  6s.  6|  yards 
of  rich  gold  and  white  silk,  att  3/.  ifi.  per  yard,  22/.  19.  ^^d. 
A  dozen  of  white  kid  leather  gloves,  i/.  is.  Gd.  " 

July  29.     "4  pair  of  clouded  silk  stockings,  2/.  105.  6d.  " 

November  10.     "  For  ivory  tools  for  point  worke,  3J. 
A  fine  rich  lace  night  rayle,  7/.  4;. 

Fine  bone  lace  for  a  hood,  5/.  Fine  bone  lace  for  a 
quoife,  i/.  Fine  bone  lace  for  an  apron,  3/.  Fine  bone 
lace  for  a  cap,  i/.  55.  " 

November  18.     "  5  J  yards  of  cherry  coUoured  mantow  att 
lis.  6d.  per  yard,  3/.  8j.  9^. 

6  pair  of  white  gloves,  lis.  6d.  3  pair  of  jessimy  gloves, 
yj.  6d.     3  pair  of  Genoa  gloves,  ioj.  6d.  " 

1683,  May  2.     "A  colberteene  wyre,   loj.  Gd.  "  ^ 

July  7.     "  A  rideing  cravatt,  il.  155. 
A  whole  head  of  haire,  iL  15J. 
A  box  of  sweet  meates,  61.  5J. 

10  yards  of  spotted  lutestring,  at  "js.  6d.  per  yard,  3/.  i^d. 
Makeing  a  camlett  rideing  coate,  8j.  9  dozen  of  greene 
and  silver  buttons,  il.  2s.  6d.  7^  yards  of  fine  hair  camlett, 
at  95.  per  yard,  3/.  75.  6d.  Green  Florence  sarcenett  to  line, 
2/.  3 J.     A  greene  and  white  feather,  il.  35.  " 

August  4.     "6  pair  of  white  gloves,  lOJ.     7  pair  of  rich 
Roman  gloves,  i/,  8j. 

August  24.     "  A  pair  of  shamy  gloves,  4J.  6d. 
Makeing  a  crape  mantua,  4J.  6d.     20  yards  of  fine  crape 
at  IS.  6d.  per  yard,  2/.  lOJ.     Makeing  a  crape  peaticote  and 
ribbon,  4J.  6d. 

A  pair  of  black  cloth  shoose,  55. 
A  black  feather  fann  at  lis. 
A  pair  of  black  sattin  stayes  with  all  appurtenances,  il.  los.  " 

December  18.     "A  fine  ermin  tippet  and  fine  sable  mufFe, 
at  four  guineyes,  4/.  6j.  " 

1685,  December  i .     "  Paid  then  to  Mr.  Coap  att  the  Black 
Lyon  for  silke  bought  against  the  Coronation,  24/.  45.  " 

1686,  February  23.    "A  paire  of  gould  tabby  stayes,  2/." 
1688,   March  i.     "A  bottle  of  orange  flower  water,  4^.  " 

'  Colbertine,  '  a  lace  resembling  network, '  so  called  after  Coblert. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  213 

July  25.  "  Makeing  a  sultaine,  i/.  loj.  Paid  for  greene 
lutestring  for  the  neck  and  pocketts,  6s.  Paid  for  silver 
lace  and  buttons,  2/.  i8j.  " 

At  this  last  date,  Mrs.  Luttrell's  debt  to  William 
Franklyn  amounted  to  819/.  1 3J.  8^.  of  which  15/. 
10s.  td.  represented  interest  on  345/.  for  nine  months. 
Some  of  the  items  in  the  bills  were  for  clothes  for 
her  children.     Thus  we  find  the  following  : — 

1683,  March  17.  "A  crimson  and  white  silk  coate  for 
Master,  i/.  i8j.  " 

May  2.  "  Making  a  greene  silk  coate  for  Master,  %s.  4 
yards  of  rich  Itallian  silk  at  lu.  per  yard,  il.  \s.  " 

August  22.  "  Paid  for  makeing  2  silver  coates,  i/.  45.  lOj 
yards  of  rich  gold  and  silver  silke  for  both  coates,  at  33J. 
per  yard,  16/.  i8j.  \\d.  " 

1686,  April  24.  "  For  makeing  three  children's  coates, 
i/.  lOi.  For  20  yards  of  stript  and  floward  silke  at  i  \s.6d. 
per  yard,  11/.  ioj. 

1687,  April  2.      "A  black  caster  for  Master,  15J. 
Makeing  of  3  velvett  coats  for  the  children,  i/.  15J.  24  yards 
stri[ped]  scarlett  velvett,  at  i6j.  6d.  19/.  i6j.  9  yards  Scar- 
lett  stripped]  silk  to  face  them,  at  5^.  6^/,  2/.  95.  dd.  " 

1688,  May  5.  "  Makeing  4 children's  coats,  with  all  things 
to  them,  2/.  1 55.  35  yards  flowered  waved  silk  for  the  coats, 
at  I2J,  21/. 

Gold  tabby  to  face  Master's  sleeves,  75.  " 

1690,  May  29.  "  For  a  pair  of  blew  stript  silk  stays  for 
Miss  Mary,  i/.  55.  For  making  her  a  rich  manto  and 
pettycoat  of  the  same  trimmed  with  silver  fringe  and  foot, 
1 5J.  For  thirteen  yards  and  half  of  silk  stript  with  bloom 
and  silver,  at  155.  per  yard,  10/.  is.  6d.  For  9  ounces  and 
J  of  silver  fringe  and  foot,  at  4J.  6d.  per  ounce,  il.  2s.  9^.  " 

Colonel  Luttrell  was  of  course  responsible  for  the 
liveries  of  the  men  in  his  service.  The  following  are 
samples  of  the  entries  relating  to  them  : — 

1683,  June  26.     "  Makeing  of  seven  liveries  laced,  5/. 

2  14  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Silk  galloone  and  lineing  the  britches,  iL  Seven  pair  of 
stockings,  i/.  15^.  Ribbon  to  tye  the  knees,  yj.  dd.  Pocketts, 
staying  tape,  canvas  and  buckram,  i/.  20  yards  of  gray 
cloath,  at  ioj.  per  yard,  10/.  Yellow  padoway  to  line  six 
coates,  3/.  i6j.  Silk  to  line  the  page's  coate,  lOJ.  Silk  to 
make  the  wastcote  and  lineing,  i8j.  6  black  lacker  hatts,  3/. 
A  black  caster  for  the  page,  13J.  151  yards  of  black  and 
gold  lace  for  the  7  liveries,  at  6j.  per  yard,  45/.  6j.  Black 
and  gold  chaine  for  the  7  liveries,  4/.  \os.  Black  and  gold 
buttons  for  them  5/.  \os.     Ribbons  for  the  liveryes,  i/.  18 J.  " 

From  other  similar  entries  it  appears  that  the  black 
and  gold  buttons  cost  about  \s.  ()d.  per  dozen,  so  that 
5/.  los.  would  represent  about  750  buttons  for  the 
seven  liveries. 

In  1677,  the  churchw^ardens  of  Dunster  paid  6d. 
to  "  Mr.  Luttrell's  huntsman  for  killing  three  hedge- 
hogs. " 

There  is  a  detailed  list  of  the  plate  at  Dunster 
Castle  in  1690  : — 

"  Sixteen  silver  hafted  knives,  twenty  and  three  spoones, 
eighteen  forkes,  twelve  small  salts,  one  great  salt,  six  tumb- 
lers, two  tankards,  two  great  cupps  with  covers,  six  guilt 
cupps,  one  flatt  sugar  box  guilt,  one  round  sugar  box  guilt, 
one  pepper  box,  one  mustard  box,  three  chafeing  dishes,  four 
stands,  one  large  spoone,  one  bason  and  ewere,  two  mazar- 
ines, six  chargers,  three  dozen  of  trencher  plates,  three 
caudle  cupps  and  three  covers,  two  ladles,  one  small  spoone, 
one  ring  for  sweete  meats,  seaven  plates  belonging  to  the 
ring,  one  pye  plate,  two  salvers,  one  coffee  pott,  six  candle- 
sticks, three  snuffer  panns,  three  paire  of  snuffers,  two 
chamber  potts,  tenn  basons,  one  warming  pann.  " 

The  whole  was  valued  at  the  time  at  652/.  Even 
if  none  of  the  pieces  dated  beyond  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  Second,  they  would  nowadays  be  very  highly 
prized.  It  will  be  observed  that  there  were  two 
silver  plates  for  each  fork,  the  plates  being  changeable 
once  in  the  course  of  dinner,  while  one  fork  was  con- 

(LADY     I'.ANCKS). 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  215 

sidered  sufficient  for  the  whole  meal.  In  addition  to 
his  plate  of  silver  and  silver-gilt,  Colonel  Luttrell  had 
great  quantity  of  pewter. 

Mary  Luttrell,  his  wife,  had  many  jewels,  one  of 
which  was  reported  to  be  worth  800/.,  a  great  sum  in 
those  days,  but  this  was  an  exaggeration.  Some  of 
these  ornaments  had  come  to  her  from  her  mother, 
the  daughter  of  a  former  Lord  Mayor  of  London  ; 
others  were  presents  from  her  husband.  Thus  she 
had  a  picture  of  him  set  in  gold  with  diamonds  round 
it,  a  "  crosiatt  "  of  diamonds,  and  a  diamond  neck- 
lace. ^  She  is  represented  without  any  jewellery  in 
an  oval  portrait  at  Dunster  Castle,  painted  as  a  com- 
panion to  that  of  her  husband  mentioned  above. 

Colonel  Francis  Luttrell  died  at  Plymouth  on  the 
25th  of  July  1690,  at  the  age  of  thirty-one.  Un- 
conscious or  regardless  of  the  condition  of  his  affairs, 
the  widow  caused  his  body  to  be  removed  to  Dunster 
for  interment,  and  so  spent  the  then  considerable  sum 
of  300/.  on  his  funeral.  The  hatchment  painted  on 
this  occasion  is  still  in  existence.  Colonel  Luttrell 
had  issue  four  children  : — 

Tregonwell,  his  heir. 

Mary,  born  on  the  25th  of  November  1681,  and  bap- 
tized on  the  20th  of  December.  Under  her  father's 
will,  she  became  entitled  to  4,000/.  She  married 
on  the  2ist  of  January  1701,  a  widower.  Sir  George 
Rooke,  the  celebrated  admiral.  Dying  in  childbed 
about  eighteen  months  later,  she  was  buried  at 
Horton  in  Kent.  ^  Queen  Anne  and  Prince  George 
of  Denmark  stood  as  god-parents  to  her  infant. 

Jane,   baptized    at   Milton   Abbas,    on    the    19th   of 

1  Chancery     Proceedings,     Mitford  *  Musgravc's  Obituary. 

538,  no.  2. 

2i6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  vi. 

August  1684,  and  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  14th 
of  November,  1688. 
Frances,  born  on  the  17th  of  April  1688  and  baptized 
at  Dunster.  She  married  firstly,  about  Christmas 
1705,  Edward  Harvey,  and  secondly  Edward  Ashe 
of  Heytesbury.  Like  her  elder  sister,  she  was 
entitled  to  4,000/.  under  the  will  of  her  father. 

The  untimely  death  of  Francis  Luttrell  gave  rise 
to  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  In  the  first  place  there 
was  a  contest  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury 
between  his  relict  Mary  and  his  brother  Alexander, 
guardian  of  the  three  children  all  under  age.  It  was 
not  until  March  1693  that  the  widow  and  executrix 
undertook  the  administration  of  the  personal  estate.  ^ 
Then  creditors  began  to  make  their  voices  heard. 
According  to  one  statement,  the  debts  amounted  to 
12,000/.  in  addition  to  a  sum  of  10,000/.  due  to 
Alexander  Luttrell.  Sir  William  Wyndham's  loan  of 
4,000/.  was  secured  upon  the  manor  of  Beggarnhuish 
and  other  lands,  part  of  the  ancient  inheritance  of 
the  Luttrells  of  East  Quantockshead,  and  these  ac- 
cordingly passed  away  from  the  family.  Debts  se- 
cured byjudgment  ranked  next,  but  there  were  various 
creditors  who  stood  in  to  lose  heavily,  the  bulk  of  the 
real  property  being  strictly  entailed.  Servants'  wages 
had  not  been  paid  for  years.  Mary  Luttrell,  the 
widow,  moreover,  had  a  jointure  of  1,500/.  a  year 
which  she  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  forego.  Several 
members  of  the  Dyke  family  who  had  a  claim  upon 
her  late  husband's  personal  estate,  retaliated  by  con- 
tending that  her  jewels  should  be  reckoned  as  part  of 
it.  Although  a  minute  inventory  was  made  of  the 
contents  of  Dunster  Castle,  little  or  nothing  seems  to 

'  p. CO.  Coker.  f.  40. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  217 

have  been  actually  sold.  ^  Under  the  will  of  Colonel 
Francis  Luttrell,  the  vvridow  was  entitled  to  a  life- 
interest  in  all  his  furniture,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
she  gave  some  of  her  own  money  to  rescue  it  from  the 
creditors.  A  few  family  portraits  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  still  survive  at  Dunster 
Castle.  The  fate  of  other  moveables  is  briefly  re- 
corded in  the  diary  of  Narcissus  Luttrell  under  the 
date  of  19  November  1696: — 

"  Yesterday  morning  a  sudden  fire  hapned  in  Mrs  Lut- 
trell's  house  in  St.  James's  Street,  being  newly  and  richly 
furnished,  which  burnt  it  to  the  ground,  the  lady  herself 
narrowly  escaping,  and  'tis  said  she  lost  in  plate,  Jewells,  ^c. 
to  the  value  of  10,000/.  " 

Tradition  says  that  nothing  was  saved  but  one 
diamond  ring.  A  few  weeks  after  this  catastrophe, 
Mrs.  Luttrell  married  Jacob  Bancks,  a  Swede  by  birth, 
who  held  a  commission  as  Captain  in  the  English 
navy.  ^  According  to  one  story,  he  had  helped  to 
rescue  her  from  the  flames.  He  was  knighted  in 
1699,  and,  through  the  Luttrell  influence,  he  was 
elected  to  represent  Minehead  in  nine  successive 
Parliaments.  '  Sir  Jacob's  bowl '  will  be  mentioned 
hereafter.  ^  Lady  Bancks  died  of  small-pox  on  the 
2nd  of  March  1704,  and  was  buried  at  Milton  Abbas, 
where  there  is  a  monument  to  her  memory.  Five 
months  later,  her  husband  entered  into  a  curious 
arrangement  with  the  wife  of  Alexander  Luttrell  of 
Dunster  Castle,  the  particulars  of  which  are  given  in 
his  own  writing: — 

"  I  doe  accnouledge  to  have  receivd  the  summ  off  five 
guineas  to  pay  Miss"  Doroty  Luttrell  the  summ  of  fifty 
guineas  in  case  I  doe  marie   after  the  14th  day  of  Agust 

'  Chancery  Proceedings,  Mitford,  538,  '  Briej  Relation,  vol.  iv.  pp.  142,  150. 

no.  2;  546,  no.  48.  ^  Pages  244,  245,  below. 

2i8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

1704,  in  witnes  wherofF  I  have  sett  my  hand  this  14th  day 
Agust  1704  afForesed,  J.  Bancks. 

In  presens  off 

A.  Fownes, 

F.  Lutterell. 

Ann  Fownes.  " 

Although  the  Swede  had  secured  the  hand  of  an 
EngHsh  heiress,  he  clearly  was  not  proficient  in  writing 
her  native  language.  It  may  be  noted  by  the  way 
that  he  did  not  marry  again.  Milton  Abbas  event- 
ually passed  to  his  second  son,  and  from  him  to  a  cousin, 
a  foreigner  who  was  in  no  way  related  to  the  father 
of  Lady  Bancks.  ^ 

Tregonwell  Luttrell,  only  son  of  Francis  and 
Mary,  was  born  on  the  12th  of  February  1683  and 
baptized  at  Dunster  about  a  month  later.  Some 
notices  of  the  rich  clothes  that  he  wore  while  still  an 
infant  have  been  given  above.  He  was  little  more 
than  seven  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death,  and  he  did  not  live  to  obtain  actual  possession 
of  the  ancestral  estates.  Dying  at  Sheerness  in  Oct- 
ober 1703,  he  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  last  day 
of  that  month.  ^  His  uncle  Alexander  then  became 
the  head  of  the  Luttrell  family. 

Alexander  Luttrell,  third  son  of  Francis  and 
Lucy,  was  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  20th  of  October 
1663.  He  matriculated  at  Christ  Church,  Oxford, 
as  a  gentleman  commoner,  in  May  1 677,  when  he  was 
under  fourteen  years  of  age,  but,  like  his  elder  brother 
Francis,  he  left  the  University  without  a  degree.      In 

'  There  is  an  account  of  the  Bancks  '  The  newsmongers  in  London  con- 
family  in  Savage's   Hundred  of  Car-  founded  him  with  his  uncle.     Luttrell's 
/zam/)ton,  pp.  638-643,  derived  from  Hut-  Brief  Relation,  vol.  v.  p.  531. 
chins's  History  of  Dorset. 

CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  219 

the  later  part  of  his  academical  career,  he  was  con- 
cerned in  an  outrage  on  the  dowager  Lady  Lovelace 
which  caused  some  excitement  at  the  time.  Lord 
Bulkeley,  Leopold  Finch,  Luttrell  and  five  other 
young  blades  from  Christ  Church  who  had  been 
drinking  at  the  Crown  tavern  one  evening  in  June 
1 68 1,  are  stated  to  have  "plucked  her  out  of  her 
coach,  "  calling  her  by  opprobrious  names  and  other- 
wise misconducting  themselves  in  the  street.  ^  Before 
leaving  Oxford,  Alexander  Luttrell  had  been  admitted 
a  student  of  the  Middle  Temple,  in  1680. 

When  the  independent  regiment  raised  by  Colonel 
Francis  Luttrell  in  November  1688  was  put  on  a 
regular  footing  in  the  following  February,  his  brother 
Alexander  received  a  definite  commission  in  it  as 
Captain.  After  the  death  of  the  first  Colonel,  Thomas 
Erie,  who  had  been  in  a  different  regiment,  was 
appointed  to  succeed  him,  and  Alexander  Luttrell 
was  one  of  several  officers  who  at  once  resigned  in 

When  his  former  Lieutenant-Colonel,  William 
Northcote  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  new  regiment 
in  February  1694,  Alexander  Luttrell  rejoined  him 
as  a  Captain.  This  regiment  was  disbanded  in  1697, 
but,  in  1702,  he  and  several  of  his  brother  officers 
accepted  commissions  in  a  regiment  of  Marines  under 
the  command  of  George  Villiers.  In  December  1703, 
he  was  promoted  to  be  Colonel  of  that  regiment, 
which  eventually  became  known  as  the  '  Thirty-first 
Foot. '  ^  After  the  successive  deaths  of  his  nephew, 
Tregonwell  Luttrell,  and  his  sister-in-law  Lady  Bancks, 
he  finally  left  the  army,  and  he  took  up  his  residence 
at  Dunster  in  1705. 

'Wood's  Life  and  Times,  vol.  ii.  p.  ^  DaMon's  Ejiglish  Army  Lists,  yo\.  iii. 

542.  P-  63. 

220  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Alexander  Luttrell  was  returned  to  Parliament  by 
the  borough  of  Minehead  in  October  1690,  in 
immediate  succession  to  his  elder  brother,  and  he  was 
duly  re-elected  on  six  occasions  in  the  course  of  the 
next  fifteen  years.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  stood 
in  1705,  when  Sir  John  Trevelyan  and  Sir  Jacob 
Bancks  were  returned.  At  Minehead  he  spent  a  good 
deal  of  money  on  the  improvement  of  the  harbour, 
and  there  was  a  project  of  reviving  in  his  favour  the 
office  of  vice-admiral  which  had  been  held  by  his 
ancestor,  the  second  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  and  by  his 
brother  Francis  Luttrell. 

There  are  at  Dunster  Castle  two  half-length  por- 
traits of  Colonel  Alexander  Luttrell,  in  both  of  which 
he  is  depicted  in  a  large  periwig  and  a  red  gown. 
He  died  on  the  22nd  of  September  171 1  and  was 
buried  at  Dunster  on  the  6th  of  October.  He  had 
married  on  the  20th  of  July  1702,  at  Exminster  in 
Devonshire,  Dorothy  daughter  of  Edward  Yard  of 
Churston  Ferrers  in  that  county.  They  had  issue  three 
children  : — 

Alexander,  heir  to  his  father. 

Francis,  born  on  the  9th  of  April  1709  and  baptized 
at  Dunster.  He  married  at  Kingswear  on  the  i  3th 
of  January  1730,  Anne  daughter  and  heiress  of 
Charles  Stucley  of  Plymouth,  and  they  took  up 
their  abode  at  Venn,  a  house  belonging  to  his  elder 
brother,  in  the  parish  of  Heathfield.  There  are  at 
Dunster  three  portraits  of  him  and  one  portrait  of 
her.  She  died  on  the  30th  of  October  1731,  in 
the  twenty-first  year  of  her  age,  and  a  marble  monu- 
ment in  memory  of  her  can  hardly  have  been  set 
up  in  the  south-eastern  chapel  in  Dunster  Church 
before  he  followed  her  to  the  grave,  dying  on  the 

7'.  Hiulson 


CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  221 

6th  of  January  1732.  Their  only  child,  Anne, 
married,  in  1751,  Edmund  Morton  Pleydell  of 
Milborne  St.  Andrew  and  Whatcombe  House,  in 
Dorset,  and  lived  to  a  very  great  age.  ^  There  is 
at  Dunster  Castle  a  portrait  of  her  w^hen  young,  in 
a  black  hat  with  white  feathers  and  a  black  dress 
with  white  sleeves,  and  a  good  deal  of  jewellery.  ^ 
Dorothy,  born  in  the  loth  of  May  1707  and  baptized 
at  Dunster.  She  died  young. 

For  twelve  years  from  the  death  of  Colonel  Alex- 
ander Luttrell,  Dorothy  his  widow  managed  the 
Dunster  estate  on  behalf  of  their  eldest  son,  Alexander. 
One  contemporary  describes  her  as  "  a  very  prudent 
and  charitable  gentlewoman;  "  another  styles  her  "the 
great  good  lady  at  the  Castle;  "  and  a  third,  in  1720, 
speaks  of  her  adding  to  her  "  former  just,  charitable 
and  pious  actions  "  by  paying  the  debts  of  her  brother- 
in-law.  Colonel  Francis  Luttrell,  still  outstanding. 
In  17 1 8,  she  purchased  for  her  son  the  advowson  of 
the  church  of  Minehead.  ^  The  changes  that  she 
made  in  and  around  Dunster  Castle  will  be  mentioned 
in  a  subsequent  chapter.  The  following  little  memor- 
andum in  her  handwriting,  made  shortly  before  her 
death,  must  not  be  taken  to  indicate  a  miserly  dispos- 
ition : — 

"  There  is  in  the  writing  closett  2,300/.  in  money,  be- 
sides a  hundred  pound  in  broad  pieces  and  moyders  received 
by  leases.  "  * 

No  bank  existed  at  that  time  in  which  the  money 
could  conveniently  be  deposited. 

'  Hutchins's  History  of  Dorset,  vol.  i.  hats  and  dresses.     Both  of  them  are 

p.  199  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  600.  known  to  be  by  Thomas  Hudson. 

^  There  is  a  large  picture  of  a  lady  at  ^  Hancock's  Minehead,  pp.  126,  135. 

Hartwell    House  in  Buckinghamshire  *  Moidores  were  gold  coins  of  Por- 

and  a  smaller  picture  of  a  lady  at  Ecton  tugal. 
in  Northamptonshire,  in  very  similar 

222  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vi. 

Dorothy  Luttrell  died  on  the  19th  of  November 
1723  and  was  buried  in  the  vault  of  the  Priory  Church 
at  Dunster.  There  is  a  very  pleasing  portrait  of  her 
at  the  Castle  in  primrose  satin  with  blue  drapery 
hanging  from  the  head,  painted  by  Michael  Dahl 
about  the  time  of  her  marriage. 

Alexander  Luttrell  the  second,  eldest  son  of 
Colonel  Alexander  Luttrell  and  Dorothy  his  wife, 
was  born  at  Dunster  on  the  loth  of  May  1705,  and 
baptized  there  a  month  afterwards.  In  the  autumn  of 
1722,  when  he  was  seventeen  and  a  half  years  of  age, 
he  and  his  brother  Francis  were  sent  to  Oxford  under 
the  charge  of  William  Kymer,  the  curate  of  Dunster, 
in  order  that  the  elder  of  them  should  matriculate  at 
Christ  Church.  The  bill  of  their  expenses  shows 
that  they  spent  the  first  night  at  the  Swan  at  Bridge- 
water,  the  second  at  the  George  at  Wells,  the  third 
at  the  Three  Tuns  at  Bath,  and  the  fourth  at  the  Lamb 
at  Cirencester.  They  stayed  at  the  Star  at  Oxford 
for  a  week,  during  which  each  of  the  young  men 
bought  a  wig  costing  nearly  4/.  The  'caution  money' 
paid  to  the  '  treasurer  '  or  bursar,  amounted  to  1 5/. 
On  the  return  journey,  they  stopped  at  Burford, 
Cirencester,  Sudbury,  Bristol  and  Stowey. 

Shortly  before  coming  of  age,  Alexander  Luttrell 
married  a  lady  several  years  older  than  himself, 
Margaret  daughter  of  his  neighbour  Sir  John  Trevel- 
yan  of  Nettlecombe.  A  post-nuptial  settlement  of 
his  estate  was  made  in  1729.  Having  a  predomin- 
ant interest  at  Minehead,  he  was,  almost  as  a  matter 
of  course,  elected  as  one  of  the  Members  for  that 
borough  in  the  ParHaments  of  1727  and  1734.  At 
Dunster  he  had  a  '  huntsman  '  as  well  as  a  gamekeep- 
er.     He  or  his  father  of  the  same  name  reduced  the 



^^^^^^^^^^^KK^  •                                       j^^^H 

mk  ^ 


.W.  ]>afii. 


CH.  VI.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  223 

value  of  the  hereditary  property  by  selling  the  manor 
of  Williton  Hadley  to  Sir  William  Wyndham. 

Alexander  Luttrell  the  second  is  chiefly  to  be  re- 
membered as  the  subject  of  numerous  portraits.  En- 
dowed with  good  looks,  and  habitually  dressed  in  fine 
clothes,  he  sat  in  turn  to  several  of  the  principal 
painters  of  his  day.  It  is,  however,  very  difficult  to 
distinguish  the  portraits  of  him  from  those  of  his 
brother  Francis.  An  inventory  of  the  year  1744 
specifies  three  of  him  as  being  then  at  Dunster  Castle. 
One  of  these  described  as  being  "  in  miniature  "  may 
possibly  be  identified  with  a  very  small  canvas  repre- 
senting a  boy,  bewigged  according  to  the  fashion  of 
the  time,  and  wearing  a  red  coat,  with  a  sword  by 
his  side  and  a  bird  on  his  arm.  In  a  pocket-book  of 
John  Fownes  Luttrell,  there  is  a  note  that  Boit,  the 
master  of  the  famous  enameller  Zincke,  painted  "  the 
picture  "  of  his  grandfather  Luttrell. 

The  second  portrait  of  Alexander  Luttrell  shows 
him  also  as  a  boy  in  a  light  periwig  and  coat  and 
waistcoat  of  mouse-coloured  velvet.  In  the  third, 
which  is  a  striking  three-quarter  length,  he  is  a  young 
man  in  a  light  periwig  and  a  blue  velvet  coat  lined 
with  white  satin.  In  the  fourth,  which  is  also  three- 
quarter  length,  he  wears  a  larger  light  periwig,  a  brown 
velvet  coat  and  a  very  long  waistcoat  of  a  rich  mater- 
ial embroidered,  or  interwoven,  with  gold.  This 
picture  is  signed  by  John  Vanderbank,  and  dated 
'  1729.  '  In  addition  to  the  foregoing  portraits  of 
Alexander  Luttrell  at  Dunster  Castle,  there  is  one  of 
him  in  red  velvet  at  Nettlecombe  Court,  and  another 
also  in  red  velvet  at  Bathealton  Court.  One  of  these 
may  be  by  Enoch  Seeman,  to  whom  he  paid  sixteen 
guineas,  in   1733,  "for  four  pictures.  " 

224  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  vi. 

Alexander  Luttrell  died  on  the  4th  of  June  1737 
and  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the  1 6th,  when  thirty- 
nine  mourning  rings  at  a  guinea  apiece,  and  six  small 
ones  at  ioj.  were  distributed  among  relations  and 

In  1 74 1,  Margaret  Luttrell,  the  widow,  married  a 
second  husband,  Edward  Dyke,  the  last  male  repre- 
sentative of  a  family  which  had  very  rapidly  acquired 
a  great  landed  estate  in  Somerset.  As  his  wife,  she 
divided  her  time  between  his  residences  at  Tetton 
and  Pixton.  For  some  years,  she  had  the  sole  charge 
of  three  heiresses  who  were  brought  up  as  sisters — 
her  own  daughter  Margaret  Luttrell,  her  first  hus- 
band's niece  Anne  Luttrell,  and  her  second  husband's 
cousin,  Elizabeth  Dyke,  afterwards  Lady  Acland. 

There  are  two  portraits  of  Edward  Dyke  at  Pixton, 
and  two  at  Dunster.  At  the  latter  place  there  are  four 
portraits  of  his  second  wife.  In  the  first  of  these  she 
is  represented  as  a  girl  in  blue  and  white  satin.  The 
second,  painted  by  J.  Vanderbank  in  1729,  shows  her 
seated,  with  a  dog  by  her  side.  In  the  third  she  is 
in  white  satin  with  a  red  scarf,  and  in  the  fourth, 
painted  by  Richard  Phelps,  in  a  blue  cloth  cloak 
with  a  white  hood  over  her  head.  There  is  a  fifth 
portrait  of  her,  as  Mrs.  Luttrell,  at  Nettlecombe 
Court,  in  blue  silk  with  white  sleeves  and  a  white  sash. 

Mrs.  Dyke  died  in  1764.  By  her  will,  proved  at 
Taunton,  it  appears  that  she  painted  flower  pieces  at 
a  time  when  few  ladies  had  any  practical  acquaintance 
with  art. 

.7.   Vfnidfrhdvh. 



The  Fownes  Luttrells  of  Dunster 

1737— 1780. 

Margaret  Luttrell,  the  only  child  of  Alexander 
Luttrell  the  second,  and  Margaret  his  wife,  was  born 
on  the  7th  of  February,  1726,  and  baptized  at 
Dunster.  She  was  consequently  little  more  than 
eleven  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  her  father's  death. 
Although  the  Luttrells  had  increased  and  multiplied 
in  Somerset  and  Devon  in  the  course  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  there  were,  in  1737,  only  five  living 
representatives  of  the  family,  two  young  girls,  this 
Margaret  and  her  cousin  Anne  ;  a  lunatic,  Southcote 
Luttrell  of  Saunton  Court  ;  an  old  bachelor,  Francis 
Luttrell  of  the  Temple;  and  a  boy,  Southcote  Hun- 
gerford  Luttrell.  These  last  three  were  but  distantly 
related  to  the  Luttrells  of  Dunster,  not  having  had 
an  ancestor  resident  there  for  two  centuries. 

Alexander  Luttrell  had  died  in  debt,  due  in  part 
to  personal  extravagance  and  in  part  to  the  necessity 
imposed  upon  him  by  his  parents  of  providing  a 
fortune  of  10,000/.  for  Anne  Luttrell,  the  daughter 
of  his  deceased  brother  Francis.  The  estate  was 
therefore  thrown  into  Chancery  and  it  was  not  until 
1744  that  the  Master  entrusted  with  the  case  made 
his  report  upon  the  accounts.  In  the  meanwhile 
Dunster  Castle  was  closed  and  two  valuations  of  its 

226  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

contents  were  made  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  credit- 
ors. In  point  of  fact  all  the  pictures  and  furniture 
were  saved,  but  such  silver  as  had  been  acquired  by 
Alexander  Luttrell  or  his  father  was  dispersed.  The 
accounts  of  Lancelot  St.  Albyn,  the  receiver  of  the 
rents  for  the  year  1743,  contain  several  references  to 
this  matter,  of  which  three  will  suffice  : — 

"  Paid  Mr.  Alexander,  goldsmith,  for  his  assistance  three 
days  at  the  sale  of  Mr.  Luttrell's  plate,  2/.  45.  dd.  Paid 
Mr.  White  for  the  use  of  a  room  in  the  Crown  Tavern  in 
Taunton,  three  days  and  expenses  there,  il.  \s.  ^d.  Paid 
the  cryar,  or  salesman,  55.  " 

Particulars  have  been  preserved  of  the  weight  of 
every  piece  sold,  and  it  may  be  interesting  to  note 
that  the  prices  ranged  from  4^.  ^d.  to  6j-.  6^.  per 
ounce.  The  names  of  the  purchasers  are  also  given. 
Among  them  were  Sir  John  Trevelyan,  Margaret 
Luttrell's  grandfather,  George  Trevelyan,  her  uncle, 
Mrs.  Dyke,  her  mother,  St.  Albyn,  her  agent,  and 
Alexander  the  goldsmith  at  Taunton.  The  yearly 
value  of  the  Luttrell  estate  at  this  period  was  about 
6,300/.  though  the  actual  rental  was  only  about 
2,150/.  most  of  the  farms  and  other  tenements  being 
let  on  lease  for  lives. 

Margaret  Luttrell  spent  several  years  under  the 
roof  of  her  step-father,  Edward  Dyke,  a  very  mode- 
rate sum  being  allowed  for  her  maintenance  and 
education,  which  included  music  lessons.  It  was 
from  his  house  at  Tetton  that  she  was  married  to  her 
second  cousin,  Henry  Fownes  of  Nethway  in  the 
parish  of  Brixham,  in  South  Devon.  The  ceremony 
took  place  at  Kingston  Church  on  the  1 6th  of  Febru- 
ary 1747,  when  she  was  just  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  and  so  free  from  the  control  of  guardians,  lawyers 
and  the  like.     The  union  proved  exceptionally  happy, 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  227 

and  her  letters  to  her  husband,  when  parted  from 
him,  are  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  the  sincerest  affect- 
ion. At  times,  she  acted  as  his  amanuensis.  Her 
health,  however,  was  not  good,  and  she  died  on  the 
13th  of  August  1766,  after  having  given  birth  to 
ten  children.  She  was  of  course  buried  among  her 
ancestors  in  the  vault  at  Dunster.  There  are  four 
portraits  of  her  at  the  Castle.  In  the  first  she  is 
represented  as  a  small  child  in  white  muslin,  with 
bare  feet,  offering  cherries  to  a  bird,  in  the  middle 
of  a  large  canvas.  Richard  Phelps  of  Porlock,  an 
indifferent  artist,  afterwards  painted  a  three-quarter 
length  portrait  of  her  in  grey  and  blue  satin  with  a 
string  of  pearls  round  her  neck.  A  third  painting 
shows  her  in  a  grey  cloak  trimmed  with  lace,  and 
lace  round  her  head.  The  fourth,  which  is  the  most 
pleasing,  gives  only  the  head  and  neck  with  an  open 
lace  collar.  There  is  a  fifth  portrait  of  Margaret 
Luttrell  at  Bathealton  Court,  painted  some  time  after 
her  marriage. 

Henry  Fownes,  the  husband  of  Margaret  Luttrell, 
and  through  her  the  owner  of  Dunster,  was  the  eldest 
son  of  John  Fownes  of  Kittery  Court,  in  Kingswear, 
by  Anne,  his  second  wife,  daughter  of  Samuel  Mad- 
dock  of  Tamerton  Foliott,  a  descendant  of  the 
Mohuns  of  Boconnoc  and  consequently  of  the  early 
lords  of  Dunster.  He  was  born  about  1723  and  he 
matriculated  at  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  in  1741. 
In  pursuance  of  a  clause  in  the  will  of  his  father-in- 
law,  he  took  the  additional  surname  of  Luttrell  soon 
after  his  marriage.  Another  stipulation  in  that  will 
compelled  him  under  a  penalty  to  spend  at  least  six 
months  of  every  year  at  Dunster  Castle.  One  of  his 
first   cares  was   to   have  a   seal  of  Brazilian   pebble 

228  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

engraved  with  the  arms  of  Luttrell  quartered  with 
those  of  Fownes.  He  also  bought  jewellery  for  his 
bride,  "  a  pair  of  three  dropt  brilliant  earrings  " 
costing  330/.,  "  a  gold  etwee  with  a  brilliant  diamond 
to  the  spring  "  costing  35/.,  and  "  five  brilliant  stars 
and  a  drop  "  costing  412/.  "  A  gold  repeating 
watch  "  costing  60/.  was  also  probably  destined  for 
her,  for  Cooper  the  jeweller  at  the  same  time  supplied 
him  with  "  a  woman's  gold  watch-chain  and  five  swi- 
vells  "  costing  8/.  4.S. 

Turning  to  more  serious  matters,  Henry  Fownes 
Luttrell  set  himself  to  put  his  wife's  affairs  on  a  more 
satisfactory  footing  than  that  in  which  he  had  found 
them.  With  this  object,  he  revived  the  suit  in 
Chancery  and  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  Court  for 
the  sale  of  the  outlying  manors  of  Heathfield  and 
Kilton.  No  sufiicient  offer  was,  however,  forth- 
coming. After  this,  he  made  several  vain  attempts 
to  sell  the  manor  of  Minehead  at  his  own  price, 
which  avowedly  included  a  considerable  sum  for  a 
seat,  or  perhaps  two  seats,  in  Parliament.  He  was 
more  successful  in  paying  ofi^  mortgages  on  the  estate 
with  money  of  his  own.  Furthermore,  by  avoiding 
all  unnecessary  display  and  keeping  a  watchful  eye 
on  expenditure,  he  was  enabled  to  make  many  and 
great  improvements,  for  the  benefit  of  himself  and 
his  successors. 

Various  pieces  of  property  in  and  near  Dunster 
came  into  the  market  in  his  time,  and  he  was  gener- 
ally ready  to  buy  them  on  reasonable  terms.  Thus, 
in  1760,  he  acquired  from  John  Poyntz,  the  last  male 
representative  of  an  old  Roman  Catholic  family,  the 
reputed  manor  of  Foremarsh  in  the  parishes  of  Dunster 
and  Carhampton,  comprising  houses  under  the  shadow 
of  the  Castle  and  fields  intermixed  with  his  own.      In 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  229 

1777,  he  bought  the  manor  of  Staunton  Fry  for  5,500/. 
thereby  considerably  increasing  his  '  interest  '  in  the 
parHamentary  borough  of  Minehead.  He  also  bought 
up  various  tenements  in  the  tov^n  of  Dunster  and 
extinguished  the  rights  of  most  of  the  commoners  on 
the  Marsh. 

A  country  squire  fond  of  horses,  hounds  and  fight- 
ing cocks,  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  was  also  a  man  of 
considerable  taste.  The  structural  alterations  that  he 
made  at  Dunster  Castle  v^ill  be  described  in  a  future 
chapter,  but  it  is  necessary  to  mention  here  that  the 
surrounding  domain  ov^es  much  of  its  present  beauty 
to  him.  By  abolishing  unsightly  hedges  and  by 
planting  trees  judiciously,  he  may  fairly  be  said  to 
have  transformed  the  face  of  the  land  on  the  east  and 
south  sides  of  the  town.  The  present  deer-park  was 
created  by  him.  On  Conigar  Hill  to  the  north  of 
the  main  street  of  Dunster,  he,  in  1775,  built  a  lofty 
circular  tower,  which,  although  hollow  and  unprovided 
with  a  staircase,  is  useful  as  a  landmark  to  sailors  in 
the  Bristol  Channel.  Some  artificial  ruins  erected  on 
the  same  hill  cannot  of  course  be  commended,  but 
they  are  now  practically  concealed  by  the  trees  around 

Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  used  to  spend  part  of  most 
years  at  his  old  home  in  Devonshire.  There  he  kept 
a  small  pack  sometimes  described  as  '  the  merry  Har- 
riers. '  In  the  only  portrait  of  him  at  Dunster  Castle, 
he  is  represented  in  a  short  light  periwig  and  a  drab 
hunting  coat,  with  a  whip  in  his  hand  and  a  dog  by 
his  side.  A  smaller  portrait  of  him  hangs  at  Bathealton 

There  are  at  Dunster  Castle  a  number  of  books, 
letters  and  papers  relating  to  the  borough  of  Minehead, 
which  are  of  some  interest  as  illustrating  the  manner 

230  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

in  which  Parliamentary  elections  were  conducted  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  One  fact  worthy  of  remark  is 
that  the  different  contests  at  Minehead  were  waged 
on  personal  and  local  issues,  with  little  regard  to 
wider  questions  of  national  policy.  In  the  whole  cor- 
respondence about  elections,  there  is  no  mention  of 
Whig  or  Tory,  and  there  are  very  few  allusions  to 
the  leaders  of  the  rival  factions  at  Westminster. 

After  the  death  of  Alexander  Luttrell  in  1737,  Sir 
William  Codrington  and  Thomas  Carew  of  Crow- 
combe  seem  to  have  been  successively  returned  to  the 
House  of  Commons  in  the  interest  of  Dunster  Castle. 
The  other  seat  was  occupied  successively  by  Francis 
Whitworth  of  Leyborne,  in  Kent,  who  had  property 
at  Blackford  near  Minehead,  and  John  Periam,  a 
Somersetshire  squire  of  comparatively  small  estate. 
The  franchise  was  vested  in  those  parishioners  of 
Minehead  and  Dunster  who  were  '  pot-boilers,  '  or 
resident  householders,  in  the  borough  of  Minehead, 
which  consisted  of  the  three  tithings  of  Minehead, 
Alcombe  and  Staunton,  the  receipt  of  alms  of  any  sort 
being  almost  the  only  disqualification.  Carew  and 
Periam  were  the  two  representatives  of  the  borough 
at  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Margaret  Luttrell,  the 
heiress  of  Dunster. 

On  the  19th  of  March  1747,  Charles  Whitworth, 
son  of  the  late  Member,  wrote  to  Henry  Fownes 
Luttrell  from  St.  James's  Place  in  London,  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  From  the  acquaintance  I  had  the  pleasure  of  having 
with  you  in  the  West,  I  take  the  liberty  to  congratulate  you 
upon  your  nuptials,  and  at  the  same  time  to  felicitate  you  as 
Lord  of  Dunster,  which  as  it  undoubtedly  gives  you  a 
Natural  Interest  in  the  borough  of  Minehead,  I  thought  it 
due  to  the  civility  that  subsisted  between  the  two  families  to 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  231 

make  this  ofFer  to  be  upon  the  same  footing  with  you  as  my 
father  was  with  the  late  Mr.  Luttrel,  and  since  his  decease 
with  that  family's  interest. 

"  The  situation  of  Minehead  induces  the  inhabitants  therof 
to  make  choice  of  their  Members  the  one  upon  the  Natural 
Interest  and  the  other  upon  that  which  may  be  serviceable 
to  them.  It  was  upon  this  footing  they  approved  of  Mr. 
Luttrel  and  my  father,  and  since  my  father's  death  both  by 
publick  and  private  benefits  I  flatter  myself  I  have  maintained 
that  interest  as  entirely  as  he  enjoyed  it,  with  a  view  to  offer 
myself  the  first  opportunity.  These,  I  believe  you  are  sen- 
sible, are  the  only  two  material  interests  in  that  town,  though 
in  every  place  there  is  a  floating  squadron. 

"  As  1  am  determined  to  stand  [at]  the  General  Election 
at  all  hazards,  I  think  it  will  be  for  both  our  interests  to 
unite  together,  which  I  dare  say  will  be  to  the  entire  satis- 
faction of  the  constituents. 

"  You  know  the  footing  the  two  present  representatives 
came  in  upon,  the  one  entirely  by  the  Castle  interest,  and  if 
you  propose  to  stand  yourself,  it  cannot  be  thought  that  the 
same  interest  will  prevail  for  two  ;  whereas  if  you  do  not 
choose  to  come  in  this  Parliament,  I  am  equally  willing  to 
join  whoever  you  give  your  interest  to.  The  other  repre- 
sentative came  in  upon  my  father's  death,  without  any 
opposition,  myself  not  being  of  age,  and  [I]  make  no  doubt 
but  that  having  kept  up  my  father's  interest  ever  since  his 
death  will  sufficiently  secure  myself  for  one  of  their  repre- 
sentatives the  ensuing  Parliament.  " 

To  this  overture  Luttrell  replied  tardily  and  very 
curtly  : — 

"  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  by  any  means  comply  whith  your 
request  in  relation  to  our  junction  at  Minehead,  by  reason 
I  conceive  too  good  an  opinion  at  present  of  the  constituents 
there  to  think  they  will  reduce  the  Castle  interest  to  so  low 
an  ebb  as  not  to  have  the  choice  of  one  member  at  the 
ensuing  election. 

He  added  that  he  considered  the  proposal  prema- 
ture and  that  he  was  prepared  to  "  risque  the  expence 

232  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

of  a  neutrality.  "  Believing  himself  able  to  command 
one  seat,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  cared  w^ho  secured 
the  other. 

On  the  26th  of  April,  John  St.  Albyn,  the  agent 
for  the  Luttrell  estate,  w^rote  to  enquire  whether  its 
new  owner  intended  to  stand  for  Parliament.  At  a 
recent  visit  to  Minehead,  he  had  been  told  that  Whit- 
worth  would  "  risque  his  whole  fortune  "  and  that 
"  the  new  candidate  "  was  determined  to  get  every 
thing  that  money  could  procure.  This  was  Percy 
Wyndham  O'Brien,  the  member  for  Taunton,  brother 
of  that  active  politician,  Sir  Charles  Wyndham  of 
Orchard.  Luttrell,  it  should  be  explained,  was  at  the 
time  living  far  away,  at  Nethway  in  Devonshire. 

On  the  1 6th  of  May,  St.  Albyn  wrote  again  rather 
discouragingly  : — 

"  The  common  fellows  (who  make  full  two  thirds  of  the 
voters)  are  at  present  gapeing  very  wide  for  money. . .  Nothing 
but  money  and  a  great  deal  of  it,  and  gold  too,  will  satisfy 
them...  The  sentiments  of  the  better  sort  are  much  divided, 
some  being  for  Whitworth,  others  for  Carew...  Some  even 
of  those  which  I  thought  your  very  good  friends  are  very 
strenuous  for  the  new  candidate,  Mr.  O'Bryan.  If  this 
affair  goes  on,  as  in  appearance  it  will,  it's  thought  there  will 
be  a  very  troublesome  and  expensive  election.  " 

"  By  the  best  accounts  I  can  get,  there  are  very  near  300 
electors  in  Minehead,  and  I  have  had  the  curiosity,  since 
I  received  your  letter,  to  examine  the  rent-roll  and  see  how 
many  of  that  number  are  your  tenants,  and  I  cannot  pick 
out  90  of  them  that  hold  anything  under  you,  and  perhaps 
of  that  90,  20  at  least  may  be  of  the  opposite  party,  or  liable 
to  their  influence  or  corruption  ;  so  that,  as  lord  of  the 
manor,  you  do  not  appear  to  be  sure  of  more  than  about 
one  quarter  part  of  the  votes,  and  it  may  happen  too  that  of 
even  one  quarter  of  them  some  will  fail  you.  Besides,  I'm 
informed  that  if  you  put  your  application  for  the  choice  but 
even  of  one  single  member  on  the  footing  of  hereditary  right, 
it  will  never  go  down  with  them. " 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  233 

He  considered  that  "  some  expence  "  would  cer- 
tainly be  necessary  to  secure  the  election  of  the  lord 
of  the  manor.  In  putting  the  number  of  tenants  at 
so  low  a  figure,  it  is  clear  that  he  excepted  all  those 
householders,  who,  having  leases  or  copyholds  for 
lives,  were  practically  independent. 

Eight  days  later,  Luttrell  wrote  privately  to  several 
of  the  chief  inhabitants  of  Minehead,  placing  himself 
in  their  hands  : — 

"  As  I  am  likewise  informed  that  the  majority  of  the 
constituents  cry  aloud  for  gold,  it  is  doubtful  whether  I  shall 
have  an  opportunity  of  confirming  by  action  what  I  have 
promised  by  letter.  However,  my  anxiety  for  being  a 
representative  is  not  so  very  great  as  even  now  to  make 
me  determine  either  to  offer  myself  or  support  a  friend  at 
the  ensuing  election,  but  only  ask  the  free  voice  of  the 
constituents  for  one  or  the  other,  clear  of  all  expence  to 
myself  On  these  conditions  if  you  think  the  borough  will 
be  unanimous,  the  greater  will  be  my  obligations  toward 
you.  I  too  plainly  see  the  rock  my  father  Luttrell  foun- 
dered upon  to  run  myself  headlong  into  the  same  danger.  " 

If  he  stood  at  all,  it  would  be  "  entirely  on  the 
Castle  interest. 

A  very  lengthy  and  guarded  reply  written  by  Wil- 
liam Hayman  of  Minehead  on  the  ist  of  June  1747 
has  been  preserved.  According  to  him,  there  was  a 
general  feeling  in  the  town  that  one  of  the  two 
members  should  be  "  a  Courtier."  ^  Whitworth  and 
O'Brien  had  "  under  the  name  of  Courtiers  "  forced 
themselves  into  the  borough,  without  consulting  the 
lord  of  the  manor,  who  had  "  a  Natural  Interest  " 
there.  Inasmuch,  however,  as  most  of  the  electors 
were  "  persons  of  no  property,  "  who  had  "  formerly 
received  money  "   and  were   "  in  expectation  of  the 

'  A  '  Courtier  '  was  perhaps  a  supporter  of  the  Pelham  administnation. 


234  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

same   gratification,  "   he   was  of  opinion  that  nobody 
whatever  could  be  elected  without  expense. 

"  Yesterday  was  sennight,  one  Husk,  an  old  servant  of 
the  late  Mr.  Whitworth's,  set  out  of  London  post  and  came 
here  Monday  night,  and  says  he  was  sent  down  by  Mr. 
Whitworth,  who  was  ordered  by  Mr.  Pelham  to  sound  the 
strength  of  his  friends  at  Minehead,  it  having  been  reported 
that  Mr.  Obrien's  interest  was  vastly  superior.  His  busi- 
ness, Tuesday,  was  to  walk  the  town  with  their  chief  friends, 
to  know  the  intentions  of  the  people,  and,  I  am  told,  for  1 
was  most  part  of  that  week  abroad,  that  he  met  with  great 

"  In  the  afternoon  it  happened  that  Mr.  Leigh,  agent  for 
Mr.  Obrien,  came  to  town,  and  while  the  others  were  at 
the  Key,  firing  gunns  and  displaying  colours,  got  a  great 
number  of  friends  with  himself  at  the  Feathers^  where  he 
elegantly  treated  them,  and  when  the  others  returned  from 
the  Key  and  were  crying  up  their  friend  Whitworth,  they 
came  out  of  the  inn  and  cryed  their  friend  Obrien,  and  by 
throwing  up  their  hatts  happened  to  hit  one  of  the  other 
party  in  the  face,  which  caused  a  fray  that  might  have  set 
the  town  by  the  ears,  for  while  the  better  sort  of  people 
were  fighting,  the  mobb,  happening  to  be  pretty  sober, 
remained  quiet  and  it  was  soon  quelled,  for  the  Collector 
was  engaged  with  Jonas,  Dr.  Godwin  with  Mr.  Devonsheir, 
Mr.  Price  with  Mr.  Payne,  and  various  others  ;  so  that  what 
the  end  of  this  warm  opposition  may  come  to  before  the 
election  is  over  will  be  hard  to  say,  both  parties  being  now 
warmed  with  resentment.  " 

On  the  6th  of  June,  Thomas  Carew  wrote  from 
Lincoln's  Inn  Fields  to  say  Parliament  would  be 
dissolved  within  a  fortnight  and  to  ascertain  Luttrell's 
intentions  with  regard  to  Minehead  : — 

"  As  I  was  first  set  up  to  preserve  the  interest  of  Dunster 
Castle  in  that  borough,  I  can't  in  honour  enter  into  any 
engagements  that  may  tend  to  oppose  it,  but  am  desirous  to 
do  all  in  my  power  to  deliver  it  back  to  the  lord  of  the 
borough  in  case  he   thinks   proper  [to]  offer  himself  as  a 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  235 

candidate,  but  in  case  he  shall  decline,  I  please  my[self] 
with  the  hopes  of  not  beinga  disagreable  person  to  represent 
it  again.  " 

Luttrell  wrote  from  Nethway  in  reply  that,  on  his 
marriage  he  had  thought  himself  "  justly  entitled  to 
the  Natural  Interest  "  in  the  borough  and  likely  to 
be  returned  "  with  little  or  no  expense,  "  but  that  "a 
contrary  interest  "  had  since  prevailed. 

"  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  by  any  means  comply  with  your 
request  in  strengthening  your  interest  at  Minehead,  but  the 
civilities  I  have  received  from  my  friend  Mr.  Periam  and 
the  many  solicitations  from  other  gentlemen  in  his  favour 
lays  (sic)  me  under  an  obligation  to  serve  him  to  the  utmost 
of  my  power. " 

Nevertheless  he  expressed  a  hope  that  Carew  would 
be  chosen  for  Westminster  instead. 

Two  days  later,  he  issued  a  letter  to  the  electors  of 
Minehead  on  behalf  of  Periam.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that,  although  he  did  not  suggest  to  them 
how  they  should  bestow  their  second  vote,  he  wrote 
at  the  same  time  to  Sir  Charles  Wyndham  recom- 
mending "  a  junction  "  of  his  brother  O'Brien  with 
Periam  against  Whitworth.  Sir  Charles  replied  from 
Taunton  on  the  19th  of  June  : — 

"  I  cannot  help  wishing  you  had  been  so  good  as  to  have 
agreed  to  what  I  proposed  by  Mr.  Haslam  last  Christmas, 
when  by  a  junction  all  manner  of  opposition  might  have 
been  prevented.  I  never  did  propose  to  thwart  the  interest 
of  your  family,  nor  do  I  think  of  it  now  ;  but  as  my  brother 
has  hitherto  stood  upon  a  single  interest  and  is  advised  to 
continue  to  do  so,  he  cannot  take  any  engagements  till  he 
has  conversed  with  the  electors  of  the  borough.  " 

On  the  1 6th  of  June,  Periam  issued  a  very  brief 
address  to  the  electors,  not  containing  the  slightest 
reference  to  political  or  even  to  local  questions,  and 
on  the  23rd,  he  went  to  Blue  Anchor,  within  a  few 

236  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

miles  of  Minehead,  in  order  to  meet  some  of  his 
principal  supporters  before  entering  the  borough  with 
them.  The  result  of  the  interview,  however,  was  that 
he  withdrew  his  candidature  in  favour  of  his  late 
colleague,  Carew.  Two  days  later,  there  was  a  con- 
ference at  Somerton  between  Sir  Thomas  Acland, 
Henry  Fownes  Luttrell,  John  Periam  and  Thomas 
Carew,  which  resulted  in  the  retirement  of  the  last 
named.  Luttrell  was  to  give  a  dinner  at  Dunster 
Castle  on  the  following  day,  and  in  the  afternoon  he 
was  to  accompany  Periam  to  Minehead,  to  make  a 
public  demonstration  on  his  behalf.  A  few  hours 
later,  Periam  changed  his  mind  once  more,  on  hearing 
that  some  of  his  partisans  had,  since  his  visit  to  Blue 
Anchor,  transferred  their  promises  to  Whitworth. 

Luttrell's  absence  from  Dunster  throughout  the 
critical  period,  and  Periam's  vacillation  within  a  few 
days  of  the  election,  led  to  an  eclipse  of  "  the  Castle 
interest  "  in  the  borough  of  Minehead,  and,  on  the 
30th  of  June,  Whitworth  and  O'Brien  were  returned 
to  Parliament  without  opposition. 

The  general  election  of  1754  was  hardly  more 
favourable  to  the  lord  of  Dunster. 

Preparations  began  in  the  later  part  of  February, 
when  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  was  asked  to  support 
the  candidature  of  a  total  stranger,  Henry  Shiffner,  a 
wealthy  Russia  merchant.  The  request  came  at  a 
very  inconvenient  time,  and  on  the  8th  of  May,  he 
wrote  from  Nethway  : — 

"  Affairs  are  so  circumstanced  at  Minehead  (as  I  am  about 
disposing  of  the  manor)  that  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  give 
you  an  absolute  promise  of  my  interest  there  until  such  time 
as  I  see  whether  I  am  like  to  dispose  of  it  or  not.  However, 
you  will  find,  on  an  interview  with  Mr.  Cholwick,  that  I 
have  given  my  word  not  to  propose  any  other  person  (besides 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  237 

a  purchaser  or  his  friend),  relying  entirely  on  what  he  writ 
me  that  you  would  not  only  declare  yourself  upon  the 
Country  Interest,  but  join  neither  of  the  present  members.  " 

There  was  at  the  time  some  idea  that  ShifFner 
himself  would  buy  the  manor.  Two  other  candidates 
were  already  in  the  field,  the  sitting  member  Whit- 
worth,  and  a  certain  Daniel  Boone.  Percy  O'Brien 
was  courting  the  electors  of  Cockermouth,  and  his 
brother  Charles,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  Earldom 
of  Egremont  in  1750,  was  exerting  all  his  influence 
in  favour  of  Boone.  On  the  6th  of  March,  James 
Gould  wrote,  apparently  from  Holnicote  : — 

"  My  Lord  says  he'll  spend  ten  thousand  pounds,  and 
Whitworth  says  he'll  sell  his  estate  in  this  part  of  the  world 
to  supply  his  friends  if  they'll  stand  by  him  this  once. 
He  writes  prodigiously  in  favour  of  Mr.  Shiffner,  and,  I 
believe,  would  be  glad  to  join  him.  W.  Leigh  offered  6 
guineas  and  a  crown  yesterday  morning,  but  not  a  [sou]l 
would  touch  pot  or  penny.  Nothing  but  guns  and  bells  all 
day  long.  " 

"  My  Lord's  friends  have  acted  so  very  imprudently  of 
late  that  the  mob  is  quite  inflamed,  and  a  vast  many  of  the 
better  most  people  have  deserted  his  interest.  " 

Lord  Egremont  certainly  did  not  scruple  to  ask  his 
neighbour  Sir  John  Trevelyan  to  use  his  influence 
with  a  certain  Mrs.  Prowse,  whom  he  describes  as 
his  "  greatest  enemy  "  at  Minehead,  or  to  write  direct 
to  Luttrell  soliciting  his  interest  for  Boone  against  a 
candidate  "  entirely  unknown  "  in  the  county  of 

Luttrell  was  to  some  extent  hampered  by  the  fact 
that  he  was  High  Sheriff  for  the  year,  but  on  the  19th 
of  March  he  issued  the  following  letter  from  Dunster 
Castle  "  to  the  electors  of  the  borough  of  Minehead  " : — 

238  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

"  Gentlemen, 

As  the  station  I  am  in  this  year  renders  it  a  little  improper 
for  me  to  make  a  personal  application  to  you,  I  am  obliged 
to  take  this  method,  not  only  to  repeat  my  recommendation 
of  Mr.  Shiffner  to  your  choice,  but  to  intreat  your  votes  and 
interest  for  him  at  the  ensuing  election;  and  that  1  may  be 
the  better  enabled  to  distinguish  who  are  my  real  friends  in 
the  borough  of  Minehead,  must  beg  the  favour  that  each  of 
you  (in  Mr.  Shiffner's  interest)  will  sign  your  approbation 
of  him;  which  in  doing  you  will  infinitely  oblige  both  him, 
and,  Gentlemen,  your  most  assured  friend  and  humble 
servant,  H.  Fownes  Luttrell.  " 

The  document  bears  the  names  of  i  8  i  electors,  of 
whom  64  were  avowedly  illiterate,  while  the  majority 
were  by  no  means  skilled  penmen.  With  1 8  i  votes, 
Shiffner  would  have  been  certain  of  one  of  the  seats. 
On  the  30th  of  March,  John  Marsh,  the  family 
lawyer  in  London,  wrote  to  Luttrell  ; — 

"  1  am  glad  to  find  that  there  is  an  opposition  at  Minehead 
and  that  you  find  your  interest  so  much  greater  then  you 
imagined.  It  will  certainly  be  beneficiall  in  disposing  of  the 
burrough.  " 

When  ShifFner  came  down  to  Somerset,  he  was 
met  at  Blue  Anchor,  on  the  4th  of  April  by  "  a 
greater  concourse  of  people  than  ever  was  known.  " 
Something,  however,  occurred  to  arouse  "  the  resent- 
ment of  the  voters,  "  and,  by  the  i  3th,  he  had  become 
apprehensive  of  a  coalition  between  Whitworth  and 

"  As  it  becomes  us  therefore  to  be  extremely  watchful,  so 
I  think  no  opportunity  of  keeping  up  the  spirit  of  Liberty 
which  at  present  prevails,  ought  to  be  neglected.  " 

He  suggested  that  the  Dunster  men  should  be 
invited  to  breakfast  on  the  day  of  the  poll,  and  that 
influence  should  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  country 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  239 

voters.     The  result  of  the   poll,  w^hich  lasted   four 
days  was — 

Whitv^^orth,  283. 

Boone,  178. 

ShifFner,  145. 
On  the  2nd  of  May,  the  defeated  candidate   wrote 
from  London  : — 

"  I  hear  Lord  Egremont  Is  greatly  disconcerted  and  very 
angry  at  the  struggle  he  met  with.  I  wish  it  could  be  learnt 
what  expence  he  was  at.  I  imagine  it  must  have  been  very 
considerable.  Tho'  I  did  not  give  a  shilling  to  buy  votes, 
and  was  only  at  the  expence  of  treating,  &c.  1,200/.  does 
not  clear  my  expences.  " 

For  some  weeks,  he  could  hardly  contain  his  rage, 
and  his  letters  abound  with  allusions  to  "the  indignity 
of  the  late  election,  "  "  perjury  and  prostitution  of 
conscience,  "  "  arbitrary  injustice,  "  "  infringements 
on  the  liberty  of  the  publick,"  "brethren  of  iniquity," 
"  sycophants,  "  "  half-paced  and  slack-mettled  vil- 
lains. "  In  one  of  them  dated  the  4th  of  May,  he 
describes  the  manner  in  which  he  bearded  the  Prime 
Minister  : — 

"  Yesterday  morning  I  went  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle. 
I  told  him  that  it  gave  me  great  concern  to  find  myself  and 
friends  were  thought  and  declared  to  be  Jacobites  by  him. 
He  staggered  a  little  at  the  expression.  I  then  told  him 
that,  on  the  nth  of  April,  an  express  came  to  Mr.  Whit- 
worth  at  Minehead  with  a  letter  from  his  Grace  directing 
and  insisting  upon  it  that  Mr.  Whitworth  should  use  his 
interest  in  Mr.  Boon's  favour  by  joining  him,  ^c.  for  that 
the  person  who  opposed  him  and  the  people  that  supported 
him  were  Enemies  to  the  Government.  I  expatiated  on  the 
cruelty  of  such  an  insinuation.  The  Duke  seemed  to  vawe 
(waive)  the  affair  as  if  such  letter  had  not  been  wrote.  On 
which  I  told  him  that  the  letter  with  the  above  mentioned 
expression   was  signed   by  his  Grace's   own  hand,  was  seen 

240  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

by  some  of  my  friends  [and]  was  owned  to  be  so  by 
Mr.  Whitworth  himself  Then  it  was  '  My  dear  Sir,  I  did 
not  know  you  personally,  but  your  character  can  never  bear 
such  an  imputation. '  At  parting,  I  told  him  I  had  been 
vilely  treated,  but  that  I  was  resolved  to  apply  for  justice 
where  I  hoped  to  have  more  chance  of  meeting  with  it;  and 
so  we  parted. 

"  Tho'  the  Duke  is  a  great  man,  and  I  am  but  a  private 
man,  I  think  such  slurrs  should  not  go  unnoticed.  In  the 
Levee  Chamber  were  Lord  Powis,  Lord  Warwick,  Lord 
Peterborough,  Mr.  Morris  of  Wales,  Councellor  Martin 
(member  for  Camelford,  Cornwall),  Bishop  of  Clonfert  in 
Ireland  (who  is  Carmicheal,  brother  to  Lord  Hyndford  and 
to  whom  I  am  intimately  known),  and  several  others.  I 
made  my  errand  the  subject  of  conversation  among  them 
before  I  went  in  to  the  Duke,  and  I  shall  pursue  it  further 
by  waiting  on  the  next  principal  man,  as  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  ^c.  to  urge  the  injury  of  thus  playing 
with  a  man's  character  to  serve  a  ministerial  purpose.  " 

Shiffner  asserted  that  he  had  four  precedents  of 
elections  having  been  declared  void  on  proof  that  let- 
ters had  been  sent  by  persons  in  powder  to  disparage 
the  character  of  a  candidate.  To  say  that  a  politician 
was  '  an  Enemy  to  the  Government '  was,  in  his 
opinion,  equivalent  to  stigmatizing  him  as  a  Jacobite. 
A  short  correspondence  between  Shiffner  and  Henry 
Fox  ended  in  a  declaration  by  the  Secretary  at  War: — 

"  I  frankly  own  my  wishes  that  justice  may  be  on  the  side 
of  Mr.  Boon  and  Lord  Egremont.  " 

On  hearing  of  this  rebuff,  Luttrell  observed: — 

"  What  you  writ  in  relation  to  Mr.  Fox  greatly  pleased 
me  and,  if  possible,  gives  me  a  much  better  opinion  of  you 
than  I  ever  had,  as  I  always  hold  those  most  in  esteem  that 
appear  the  most  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  such  a  miscreant 
set  of  wretches.  If  I  did  not  flatter  myself  with  the  hopes 
of  your  meeting  with  more  justice  from  others  than  you  will 
receive  from  Mr.  Fox,  I  should  despair  of  success  in  your 
undertaking. " 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  241 

On  the  advice  of  Pratt,  afterwards  Lord  Chancel- 
lor, it  was  resolved  to  petition  the  House  of  Commons 
against  Boone,  and  also  to  proceed  at  common  law 
against  some  of  his  agents  in  Somerset,  especially 
William  Leigh,  Lord  Egremont's  steward.  The 
petition  when  eventually  presented,  on  the  26th  of 
November,  only  called  in  question  the  impartiality  of 
the  returning  officers  and  Boone's  pecuniary  qualifi- 
cation for  a  seat  in  Parliament.  Shiffner's  main 
grievance  was  that  some  forty  Dunster  men  had  not 
been  allowed  to  record  votes  which,  if  admitted,  would 
have  turned  the  scale  in  his  favour.  The  affidavits 
filed  in  the  criminal  suit  describe  a  man  who  had 
come  from  Sussex  under  a  false  name  as  sitting  at  a 
table  covered  with  gold,  in  an  upper  room  at  the 
Plume  of  Feathers'  Inn^  and  dispensing  five  guineas 
apiece  to  the  poorer  voters,  nominally  by  way  of  loan. 
Considering  that  Boone  had  less  than  600/.  a  year,  on 
his  own  showing,  it  seems  clear  that  his  expenses, 
legitimate  or  otherwise,  must  have  been  defrayed  by 
Lord  Egremont.  Finding  it  difficult  to  refute  the 
charges  brought  against  them,  Boone's  agents  retaliat- 
ed by  counter-charges  of  bribery  and  corruption  against 
ShifTher,  which  he  proposed  to  meet  by  an  indictment 
for  subornation  of  perjury.  There  was  long  litigation 
at  Westminster  Hall,  at  Bridgewater  and  at  Taunton, 
but  after  a  year  the  different  suits  were  abandoned, 
to  the  great  relief  of  the  people  of  Minehead.  The 
petition  seems  also  to  have  been  withdrawn. 

Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  was  at  first  hardly  less 
angry  than  his  protege  at  the  result  of  the  election 
of  1754,  and  devised  some  vindictive  measures.  After 
a  while,  however,  he  came  to  realize  that  conciliation 
was  a  better  policy.  In  January  1757,  he  distributed 
half  a  bushel   of  wheat  apiece  to  202  "voters  of  the 


242  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

borough  of  Minehead,  "  impartially  including  many 
who  had  supported  Boone  against  ShifFner,  some 
whose  votes  had  been  disallowed,  and  some  new  voters. 
He  also  gave  occasional  venison  feasts  to  the  principal 

In  November  1757,  a  private  agreement  appears  to 
have  been  made  between  him  and  Lord  Egremont  to 
the  effect  that,  at  the  next  general  election,  they  should 
choose  only  one  candidate  apiece  and  that  they  should 
combine  against  any  third  candidate  who  might  offer 
himself.  At  the  election  of  1761,  Lord  Egremont 
brought  forward  his  brother  Percy,  the  former  Mem- 
ber for  Minehead,  who  had  been  created  a  peer  of 
Ireland,  under  the  title  of  Earl  of  Thomond,  and 
who  wanted  a  seat  because  the  borough  of  Cocker- 
mouth  had  been  bought  by  Sir  John  Lowther. 
Boone,  broken  in  health,  disappeared  from  the  scene, 
and  Whitworth  did  not  stand.  The  polling  was 
accomplished  in  one  day,  and  on  the  28th  of  March 
the  result  was  declared  as  follows  : — 

Henry  Shiffner,  287. 

Lord  Thomond,  226. 

Lord  Clanbrasill,  69. 
Out  of  the  291  electors  who  recorded  their  votes, 
only  four  failed  to  give  one  to  Shiffner.  This  success, 
however,  was  not  attained  without  eventual  expense 
to  him  or  his  patron.  There  is  in  Luttrell's  hand- 
writing a  very  significant  "  List  of  voters  at  Mine- 
head  that  refused  taking  the  3  guineas,  1761,"  the 
number  of  electors  who  disdained  such  a  reward  being 
exactly  thirty.  Their  names  are  repeated  in  a  "  List 
of  voters  in  Minehead  asked  to  dine  at  Dunster  Castle, 
8  September  1763,  having  not  taken  the  3  guineas 
after  the  election,  "  and  they  were  invited  again  in 
August  1764. 

cH.vii.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  243 

The  connexion  between  Luttrell  and  Shiffner  had 
by  this  time  ripened  into  a  warm  friendship,  and  the 
new  Member  of  ParHament  wrote  frequently  to  the 
squire  of  Dunster.  One  of  his  letters  dated  1 1  De- 
cember 1762  is  of  more  than  local  and  personal 
interest.      In  this  he  says  : — 

"  Thursday  was  the  day  for  taking  the  Preliminaries  into 
consideration,  when  places  were  taken  at  7  o'clock  in  the 
morning  in  the  House,  where  assembled  about  430  Mem- 
bers, and  the  debate  began  about  3  o'clock.  It  is  impossible  to 
enter  into  the  whole  particulars  of  it,  which  lasted  till  1 2  o'clock 
at  night,  when  upon  a  division  the  numbers  stood  thus  : — 
319  for  the  approval  of  the  Peace  ; 
6^  against  the  approval  of  it. 

Several  Members  went  away  before  the  division. 

"  Mr.  Pitt,  very  gouty,  attended  with  a  crutch,  and  was 
indulged  to  stand  and  sitt  down  alternatively,  and  indeed  I 
think  in  his  circumstances  of  health  he  required  that  in- 
dulgence, as  his  speech  lasted  three  hours  and  twenty-six 
minutes^  the  most  laboured  and  the  worst  speech  I  ever 
heard  him  make.  In  short,  it  seemed  to  be  an  apology  for 
his  inflexibility  in  not  agreeing  to  a  Peace  last  year,  arraign- 
ing the  present  Peace  article  by  article,  and  was  couched  in 
terms  and  expressed  as  if  meant  to  lay  a  foundation  for 
popular  insurrection.  In  short,he  fairly  fatigued  the  attention 
of  the  whole  House,  and  went  out  as  soon  as  he  had  finisht 
his  speech.  He  was  answered  by  Mr.  Charles  Townsend 
verbatim  in  twenty-five  minutes,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
confuted  in  every  argument  which  he  had  given  us  by 
repetition  upon  repetition.  After  this  there  appeared  so 
great  an  inattention  in  the  House  from  the  tiresomeness 
which  a  speech  of  3  hours  and  26  minutes  had  occasioned, 
that  tho'  several  spoke  pro  and  con^  yet  no  sort  of  attention 
appeared  to  be  given  to  it.  " 

"  When  Mr.  Pitt  came  into  the  House,  the  people  in  the 
Lobby  made  such  a  hollow  as,  I  own,  startled  me  and  I 
believe  almost  every  Member  of  the  House,  and  the  same 
was  repeated  when  he  withdrew.  "  ' 

'  Of.  Jesse's  Life  and  reign  of  George  the  Third,  vol.  i.  pp.  157-159. 

244  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

"  Yesterday,  the  Report  of  the  Address  which  had  the 
preceding  day  been  determined  upon  to  the  King  was  made, 
when  unexpectedly  the  debate  revived,  and  tho'  I  thought 
to  have  been  at  home  at  4  o'clock  to  dinner,  I  did  not 
accomplish  my  intention  till  ^  past  eleven  at  night,  when 
we  had  another  division  : — 

227  agreeing  to  the  Address  ; 
63  dissenting  from  it.  " 

"The  Opposition  consisted  of  the  friends  of  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  the  Duke  of  Grafton, 
and  Mr.  Pitt,  and  Lord  Hardwick,  and  the  main  stress  of 
their  argument  seemed  to  be  so  contrived  as  to  raise  in  the 
people  an  apprehension  of  the  Prerogative  being  extended 
contrary  to  Revolution  principles,  a  most  dangerous  poison 
for  vulgar  minds  and  artfully  contrived  as  well  as  artfully 
applied  in  order  to  raise  popular  tumult  against  the  Govern- 
ment, with  hopes  of  displacing  the  present  Administration 
and  replacing  themselves. 

They....  wish  to  revive  the  odious  distinction  of  Tory  and 
Whig  which,  thank  God,  seems  sunk  in  oblivion.  " 

Shiffner  kept  his  friends  at  Dunster  Castle  supplied 
not  only  with  parliamentary  news  but  also  with  his 
signatures  enabling  their  letters  to  go  free  through 
the  post.  On  one  occasion  alone,  he  sent  down 
"  eight  dozen  of  half-sheet  covers  and  sixteen  dozen 
of  quarter-sheet  covers,  "  with  a  promise  of  more 
when  required. 

During  the  Parliament  of  1761,  the  Luttrell  inter- 
est in  the  borough  of  Minehead  was  kept  alive  by 
venison  feasts,  suppers  at  the  local  inns,  doles  and  the 
like.  Preparations  for  another  election  began  as  early  as 
September  1766.  In  that  month  there  are  lists  of 
about  sixteen  "  gentlemen  of  the  Bowling  Green  Club 
who  had  half  a  buck  sent  'em  and  Sir  Jacob's  bowl 
of  punch  "  and  about  twenty  "  other  gentlemen  who 
are  not  of  the  above  club  and  for  whom  half  a  buck 
is  sent  to  be  dressed  at  the  Plume  of  Feathers  with  Sir 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  245 

Jacob's  bowl  of  punch.  "  In  November,  Dr.  Richard 
Brocklesby,  an  eminent  physician  practising  in  Lon- 
don, conceived  the  idea  of  emancipating  the  borough 
in  which  he  had  been  born  from  the  sway  of  the 
neighbouring  magnates,  and  obtaining  for  it  at  least 
one  representative  of  acknowledged  reputation.  By 
his  advice,  apparently,  some  of  the  principal  inhabit- 
ants of  Minehead  resolved  to  approach  the  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  Charles  Townshend.  Lord  Tho- 
mond  at  once  took  alarm  and  tried  to  effect  an  alliance 
with  the  lord  of  Dunster  against  the  common  foe. 
When  the  news  reached  Luttrell,  he  wrote  as  follows 
to  Leonard  Herring,  vicar  of  Minehead  : — 

"  The  late  severe  loss  1  have  sustained  has  made  home 
become  very  dull  and  insipid  to  me,  and  therefore  I  have 
some  thoughts  of  changing  the  scene  and  going  into  Parlia- 
ment. If  1  persevere  in  my  present  intentions,  I  shall  of 
course  offer  myself  for  Minehead  at  the  ensuing  election, 
and,  if  I  succeed,  1  hope  to  have  it  more  in  my  power  to 
serve  the  publick  and  my  friends.  I  purpose  to  communi- 
cate this  intended  scheme  of  mine  soon  to  Mr.  Shiffner, 
that  he  may  look  out  for  some  other  borough  in  case  I 
should  carry  it  into  execution. 

"I  must  also  inform  you  that  I  have  received  undoubted 
intelligence  that  Lord  Thomond  intends  to  offer  himself  or 
his  friend  at  the  next  election  and  is  moreover  determined 
to  support  the  Egremont  interest.  If  this  should  be  the  case, 
and  Mr.  Townsend  is  promised  one  vote  certain,  whether 
he  is  in  power  or  not,  what  is  to  become  of  me  or  my 
friend  .'' 

"  I  am  totally  cut  off  from  any  junction  with  either  by  the 
promises  I  have  made  and  which  I  have  to  adhere  to  what- 
ever the  consequence  may  be.  I  only  intend  to  ask  for 
one  vote,  either  for  myself  or  my  friend,  and  I  think  I  have 
as  much  right  to  expect  a  certainty  of  it  as  Mr.  Charles 
Townsend  or  any  other  person.  If  the  gentlemen  of  Mine- 
head  are  determined  to  engage  themselves  to  this  great  man, 
I  submit  it  to  their  consideration  whether  they   should  not 

246  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

do  it  conditionally  if  he  is  in  power  at  the  next  election;  for 
otherwise,  should  he  be  stripped  of  his  employments  before 
that  time,  their  promises  will  continue  to  the  man  and  not 
to  the  Minister.  " 

On  the  14th  of  December,  ShifFner  wrote  : — 

I  am  very  sensible  of  the  state  of  the  borough,  and  do 
expect  at  the  general  election  several  fresh  candidates,  a 
greater  number  than,  I  believe,  have  for  many  years  offered 
themselves  at  the  borough  of  Minehead.  The  sharper  the 
contest,  the  more  glorious  will  be  the  victory.  Lord  Tho- 
mond  intends  to  push  a  friend,  who  I  know  not.  Whit- 
worth  says  he  shall  meet  me  there  with  somebody  he  intends 
to  recommend.  " 

The  next  move  was  a  circular  letter  from  Charles 
Whitworth,  the  former  Member,  dated  29  January 
1767,  announcing  that  if  two  hundred  electors  would 
sign  a  paper  promising  their  votes  to  him  and  his 
friend,  "an  eminent  merchant  in  the  City  of  London," 
they  would  establish  "  proper  annual  schooling  for 
the  education  of  poor  voters'  children  "  and  encourage 
other  plans  for  the  benefit  of  the  town.  The  eminent 
merchant,  unnamed,  was  doubtless  to  provide  the 
necessary  money.  On  the  ist  of  February,  John 
Short  wrote  from  Minehead  to  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell 
at  Nethway: — 

"I  have  just  time  to  tell  you  that  Mr.  Whitworth  has 
declared  himself  a  candidate  for  this  borough  and  that  Dr. 
Question  have  (jzV)  received  a  letter  from  him  referring  him 
to  one  which  Mr.  Warren  has,  wherein  he  promises  to  give 
the  poor  fellows  ten  guineas  a  man,  and  that  Stroude  and 
Powell  have  been  amongst  them.  The  bells  have  been 
ringing  this  evening,  I  suppose  upon  that  ocasion.  " 

In  reply  Luttrell  declared  that  Whitworth's  "  bold 
stroke"  gave  him  "no  manner  of  concern,"  adding: — 

"  His  promise  of  ten  guineas  a  man  who  will  give  him 
both   votes  may   be  thought  by  some  an  alluring  bait,  but 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  247 

when  the  generality  of  the  town  come  seriously  to  consider 
that  places,  as  well  as  a  little  temporary  cash,  will  be  wanted, 
I  presume  they  will  think  of  some  other  person  to  serve 
them,  who  will  be  more  capable  of  doing  it  than,  I  appre- 
hend, is  in  Mr.  Whitworth's  or  any  merchant's  power 
to  do. " 

Shiffner  also  affected  to  be  quite  unconcerned, 
suggesting  that  his  supporters  might  get  some  enter- 
tainment at  Whitworth's  expense. 

On  the  8th  of  March,  the  vicar  wrote  to  Lut- 
trell  :— 

"  Last  Friday,  the  subscription-book  was  opened  by  Robert 
Fry,  in  order  to  engage  200  votes  at  ten  guineas  a  man  for 
one  vote,  when  105  signed  the  paper,  and  have  absolutely 
engaged  to  stand  by  his  friend  let  him  be  Hack  or  white. 
They  are  adding  to  that  number  daily  and  as  soon  as  the 
subscription  is  full,  the  book  is  to  be  shut,  and,  I  suppose, 
he  (Whitworth)  will  then  go  upon  'Change.  Mr.  Adams 
has  joined  him,  but  I  dont  hear  of  any  other  gentleman. 
This  is  pushing  you  and  your  friend  confounded  hard. 

"  As  the  affair  now  stands,  your  real  friends  would  be 
greatly  obliged  by  you  if  you  would  let  them  know  your 
final  resolutions,  for  they  are  almost  ripe  for  rebellion  and 
are  ready  to  fight  him  through  all  his  weapons. 

"  The  corn  you  have  sold  to  the  poor  of  this  town  is 
looked  upon  as  no  favour,  for  they  publickly  declare  they 
will  stand  by  that  man  that  will  give  most.  By  what  1  can 
learn,  they  are  determined  to  run  you  extremely  hard.  " 

On  the  14th,  Luttrell  issued  his  address  to  the 
election  saying : — 

"  I  offer  myself  unconnected  with  Mr.  Shiffner  and  every 
other  person,  and  having  no  intentions  of  asking  for  any 
place  for  myself,  I  think  I  can  with  the  greater  propriety 
apply  to  Government  on  behalf  of  a  friend.  " 

Various  persons  at  Minehead  had  desired  places  as 
excisemen,  tide-waiters  and  the  like.  Just  a  week 
later,  the  vicar  wrote  to  Luttrell : — 

248         A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  vii. 

"  Your  letter  gave  a  very  general  satisfaction  to  the 
principal  people  of  the  town,  and  we  are  all  determined  to 
carry  the  election  for  you  at  all  events.  We  canvassed  the 
borough  for  you  yesterday,  when  we  made  a  most  noble 
appearance,  having  almost  every  man  in  town  of  any  conse- 
quence to  attend  us,  excepting  some  few  that  were  ill.  " 

"  We  shall  all  make  a  point  of  carrying  this  election, 
notwithstanding  the  strong  opposition  that  is  talked  off; 
and  if  you'll  send  down  200/.  to  be  distributed  as  we  see 
necessary,  I'll  return  you  by  the  following  post  a  fixed 
majority,  in  defiance  of  all  their  efforts.  'Tis  the  opinion 
of  us  all  that  something  of  this  kind  must  be  immediately 
done.  To  save  every  expense  in  our  power,  we  have  entered 
into  an  agreement  never  to  have  one  public  dinner,  and  if 
you  expect  our  company  in  the  evening,  we  shall  insist  on 
having  nothing  but  a  welch  rabbit. 

"  I  should  be  glad  if  Mr.  Shiffner  would  drop  all  thoughts 
of  coming  to  Minehead  and  go  with  me  into  Cornwall, 
where  I  am  well  assured  he  will  meet  with  a  most  agreeable 
reception.  " 

ShifFner,  how^ever,  was  not  to  be  so  easily  shaken  off. 
On  the  24th  of  April  he  issued  a  printed  notice  to 
the  voters  that  he  w^as  "  firmly  determined  "  to  "  wait 
on  them  at  the  next  election,  "  and  repeating  "  in  the 
most  solemn  manner  the  declaration  he  made,  that 
he  has  not  any  concert,  connexion  or  correspondence 
with  Mr.  Luttrell  or  any  other  candidate,  directly  or 
indirectly."  Twenty-nine  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
of  Minehead  were  invited  to  dine  at  Dunster  Castle 
on  the  27th  of  April. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  few  months,  the  negoti- 
ation with  Charles  Townshend  was  terminated  by 
his  premature  death,  and  Lord  Thomond  betook 
himself  to  Winchelsea.  On  the  other  hand,  a  project 
was  formed  of  inviting  the  Duke  of  Grafton  to 
send  down  a  purely  ministerial  candidate.  The  Duke 
himself  encouraged  it  openly,  and  some  of  the  electors 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  249 

who  had  promised  one  vote  to  Luttrell  were  willing 
to  sign  the  proposed  memorial.  Luttrell,  however, 
took  umbrage  at  it,  and,  acting  with  unwonted 
energy,  went  up  to  London  to  oppose  the  scheme  at 
head-quarters.  The  result  of  this  move  was  that  the 
Government  gave  him  the  immediate  patronage  of  all 
offices  at  Minehead,  presumably  in  consideration  of  a 
promise  of  support  in  the  next  House  of  Commons. 
On  the  2nd  of  October,  the  vicar  wrote  to  him : — 

"  '  Luttrell  for  ever  '  is  now  the  general  cry  to  serve  both 
high  and  low.  You  never  had  a  more  favourable  opport- 
unity of  putting  in  another  member  than  at  present,  if  you 
can  but  compromise  affairs  with  Mr.  Shiffner,  which,  1 
imagine  could  easily  be  done  thro'  the  Duke  of  Grafton.  " 

"  A  pleasing  smile  you  may  see  in  the  faces  of  three  parts 
of  the  people  in  town,  while  the  others  have  their  chins  down 
to  the  fifth  buttonhole.  " 

Five  days  later,  he  wrote  again : — 

"  If  you  can  but  adjust  this  affair  with  Mr.  Shiffner,  your 
friend  must  come  in  without  opposition. 

The  grandiloquent  Shiffner  had  clearly  lost  much 
of  his  popularity,  and  in  this  contest  he  had  not  the 
overt  support  of  his  friend  at  Dunster  Castle. 

Parliament  was  dissolved  on  the  iith  of  March 
1768,  and  a  little  after  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  the  1 8th,  proclamation  was  made  at  the  cross,  or 
market-place,  of  Minehead.  The  precept  and  the 
bribery  oath  were  then  read  and  three  candidates 
proposed.  "  Mr.  Shiffner  offered  himselt  as  their 
former  Member;  Mr.  Whitworth  offered  himself; 
Mr.  Luttrell  offered  by  Mr.  Hayman.  They  then 
adjourned  to  the  polling  room  and  began  the  poll 
about  ten.  "  As  it  was  well  known  beforehand  that 
the  great  majority  of  the  electors  would  give  one  vote 
to  Luttrell,  the  contest  was  practically  left  to  the  two 
other  candidates,  each   of  whom  alternately   sent  up 


250  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

a  '  tally,  '  or  batch,  of  ten  supporters.  For  hours 
therefore  they  appeared  to  be  running  neck  and  neck, 
each,  however,  keeping  the  chief  local  magnates  in 
reserve  till  the  end.  Shiffner  was  the  first  to  be 
exhausted,  and  the  poll  was  closed  about  four  o'clock, 
when  the  result  was  declared  : — 

Luttrell,  301. 

Whitworth,  197. 

Shiffner,  167. 
Very  few  of  the  electors  had  divided  their  votes 
between  Whitworth  and  Shiffner,  and  still  fewer  had 
tendered  only  one  vote.  The  defeated  candidate 
again  threatened  a  petition,  but  nothing  came  of  it. 
A  minute  account  has  been  preserved  of  Luttrell's 
expenses  in  connexion  with  this  election,  extending 
over  a  year  and  a  half,  from  April  1767  to  October 
1768,  and  amounting  in  all  to  1,868/.  5J-.  9^.  In  the 
first  of  these  years  the  chief  items  were  for  wheat  sold 
to  the  poor  at  a  reduction  and  over  300/.  "gave  to 
the  poor  voters  "  in  cash.  In  order  to  keep  clear  of 
the  acts  against  bribery,  no  promises  of  support  had 
been  exacted  from  them  in  return  for  this  voluntary 
distribution.  Altogether  two  hundred  and  eighty-seven 
electors  had  pocketed  a  guinea  apiece  without  scruple. 
A  separate  list  gives  the  names  of  fifty-five  "gentlemen 
who  will  not  take  money.  "  On  the  day  of  the 
canvass  at  the  beginning  of  March,  ^^Ib.  of  gun- 
powder had  been  consumed,  and  compensation  was 
eventually  paid  for  windows  broken  by  the  firing  of 
the  guns.  A  few  days  before  the  election,  there  had 
been  sports  in  a  field  behind  a  house  on  the  quay. 
Sailors  in  sacks  had  run  for  "  a  pair  of  handsome 
trowsers,  "  and  landmen  in  sacks  had  run  for  a  hat. 
Women  had  run  for  "  a  handsome  pair  of  stays  "  and 
"  a  handsome  shift,  "  and  girls  "  tied  back  to  back  " 

cH.vii.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  251 

had  run  for  a  pair  of  pumps  that  cost  3J-.  The  maids 
from  the  Castle  had  of  course  been  bedecked  with 
suitable  ribbons.  The  customary  fees  paid  on  the 
day  of  the  election  to  the  crier,  to  eight  constables, 
to  as  many  chairmen,  to  two  drummers,  to  a  fiddler 
and  others,  amounted  in  all  to  less  than  i  2/.  A  great 
part  of  the  account  is  occupied  with  expenditure  on 
beef,  bread,  cheese,  ale,  wine,  rum  and  the  like.  It 
is  more  interesting  to  observe  that  on  the  fourth  day 
after  the  election,  Luttrell's  permanent  agent  went  to 
Minehead  Quay  and  there  openly  gave  four  guineas 
to  every  sailor  who  had  voted  for  his  employer.  In 
the  course  of  the  next  few  weeks,  a  like  amount  was 
given  to  different  landmen,  those  who  had  not  re- 
ceived a  guinea  in  the  previous  year,  but  who  had  duly 
voted  for  Luttrell,  receiving  five  guineas  apiece.  Al- 
together, the  "cash  given  the  voters  after  the  election" 
by  his  agent  amounted  to  close  upon  1,000/.  We 
have  no  record  of  the  sums  given  by  Whitworth  to 
those  of  his  supporters  who  had  taken  Luttrell's 
guinea  in  1767.  Although  Luttrell's  agent  somehow 
got  a  list  of  the  voters  who  had  received  money  from 
Shiffner,  each  candidate  seems  to  have  adhered  hon- 
ourably to  his  declaration  that  he  had  no  connexion 
with  either  of  the  others. 

The  election  of  1768  was  barely  over  before  Lutt- 
rell, flushed  with  success,  began  to  prepare  for  another, 
with  the  intention  of  securing  both  seats.  On  the 
1 6th  of  April,  Sir  Thomas  Acland  wrote  to  him  from 
Holnicote,  near  Minehead  : — 

"  I  am  persuaded  that  your  weight  and  property  in  the 
borough,  properly  managed,  would  with  little  trouble  secure 
to  you  the  nomination  of  both  members. 

It  would  not  be  consistent  with  that  candour  which  ought 
to  be  observed,  were  I  not  to  say  that  I  ca'nt  (as  matters  are  at 

252  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

present  circumstanced)  think  of  serving  Mr.  ShifFner,  or  of 
opposing  Mr.  Whitworth,  for  whom  I  have  some  regard.  " 

On  the  same  day,  invitations  like  the  follow^ing 
were  issued  to  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of 
Minehead  : — 

"  Mr.  Luttrell  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  Thomas 
Brown,  and  having  declared  his  intentions  of  offering  his 
friend  as  well  as  himself  for  Minehead  at  any  future  election, 
he  hopes  Mr.  Brown  will  support  the  nomination  and  give 
Mr.  Luttrell  the  pleasure  of  his  company  at  Dunster  Castle 
next  Thursday  to  dinner.  " 

One  cautious  elector,  who  could  not  accept  the 
invitation,  replied  that  he  would  support  Luttrell  and 
his  friend  "  provided  this  friend,  when  known,  shall 
appear  deserving  of  the  choice  and  suffrage  of  a  free 
people.  "  The  name  of  the  "  friend  "  was  not,  how- 
ever, disclosed.  Periodical  dinners  and  "  buck-feasts  " 
at  the  Plume  of  Feathers  may  have  tended  to  maintain 
the  Castle  interest,  but,  in  the  summer  of  1773,  there 
were  serious  "  differences  "  between  the  townsmen 
of  Minehead  and  their  senior  representative,  apparently 
on  some  local  question. 

During  three  days  at  the  beginning  of  August  1774, 
the  borough  of  Minehead  was  systematically  canvassed 
on  behalf  of  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  and  his  "friend,  " 
who  was  his  eldest  son,  John  Fownes  Luttrell.  Some 
tew  electors  wished  to  reserve  their  second  vote  for 
ShifFner,  in  the  event  of  his  coming  forward  again. 
Shortly  afterwards  a  legal  opinion  was  obtained  from 
John   Heath,  K.C.  : — 

"  The  only  statute  prohibiting  candidates  from  treating 
electors  is  the  7th  of  King  William  the  3rd.  This  prohibit- 
ion does  not  take  place  in  the  case  of  a  General  Election 
untill  the  writts  of  election  are  ordered  for  the  ensuing 
election.     But  at  Common   Law  I  conceive    that  all  enter- 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  253 

tainments  given  with  an  avowed  intent  to  procure  votes  at 
an  election  are  illegal. 

"  I  think  that  you  may  still  defray  the  expences  at  the 
monthly  clubb,  entertain  your  tenants  at  holding  your  Man- 
our  Courts,  pay  the  ringers,  and  reward  the  sailors  who 
have  attended  you,  in  the  usual  way  untill  the  writts  for  the 
ensuing  election  shall  be  ordered  or  issued  ;  and  then  such 
entertainments  and  gratuities  should  cease. 

"  It  is  most  prudent  to  avoid  giving  any  extraordinary 
entertainment,  but  no  law  prohibits  you  from  entertaining 
your  friends  at  your  house  before  the  issuing  or  ordering 
of  the  writts  of  election,  tho'  such  friends  should  be  voters, 
or  even  afterwards,  if  it  be  not  in  great  numbers,  or  in  an 
extraordinary  way.  " 

On  the  29th  of  August,  Richard  Cox  of  Minehead 
wrote  to  say  that  Sir  Charles  Whitworth  had  announ- 
ced his  intention  of  coming  to  the  town  with  a  friend, 
"  a  person  of  great  fortune  and  of  undeniable  char- 
acter, "  in  about  a  fortnight. 

"  The  common  people  are  in  great  spirits,  as  they  are 
made  to  believe  that  they  shall  have  twenty  guineas  at  least 
a  man.  Andrew  Boucher  has  got  a  paper  headed  so  that 
all  those  that  chuse  to  support  Whitworth's  friend  are  to 
sign  their  names  so.     I  am  told  170  has  allready  signed  it.  " 

"  It  is  the  oppinion  of  all  your  friends  that  it  will  be 
absolutely  necessary  for  you  to  canvass  the  bourough  before 
Whitworth  comes  downe,  and  I  do  intirely  agree  with  them 
in  opinion,  although  I  do'nt  tell  them  so.  My  dear  Mr. 
Luttrell,  do'nt  mind  a  little  trouble.  I  am  certain  it  will 
save  you  many  pounds.  " 

Trouble  was  just  what  Luttrell  disliked.  Many  of 
his  letters  begin  with  apologies  for  delay  in  writing. 
In  point  of  fact  Whitworth  was  soon  established  by 
the  Government  in  a  safe  seat  at  East  Looe.  ^ 

On  the  3rd  of  October,  a  certain  Mr.  Barnfather 
came  down  to   Minehead  as  a  candidate.      He  was 

'  Historical  MSS.  Comm.  x.  Appendix  vi.  pp.  6,  7. 

254  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

met  at  Alcombe  Cross  by  some  thirty  of  the  inhabit- 
ants and  went  into  the  town  preceded  by  a  drum. 
A  canvass  that  afternoon  and  the  next  day  resuhed  in 
the  promise  of  only  forty-five  votes,  and  so  he  took 
his  departure,  after  sending  a  civil  letter  to  Dunster 
Castle  saying  that  he  had  been  "  greatly  misled  by 
the  intimations  which  he  had  received  while  in 
London,  "  and  that  he  would  not  put  Mr.  Luttrell 
to  any  further  trouble  or  unnecessary  expense. 

The  final  canvass  for  the  two  Luttrells  was  on  the 
4th  and  the  Court  Leet  of  Minehead  was  held  on  the 
5th,  when  some  of  the  jury  subscribed  2s.  bd.  apiece, 
so  that  there  should  not  be  the  slightest  appearance  of 
treating  on  the  part  of  the  lord  of  the  manor,  the  writs 
for  the  General  Election  having  been  issued.  On  the 
5th  and  7th  there  was  "  nothing  doing  in  Minehead." 

On  the  8th,  "  Mr.  Luttrell  and  Mr.  J.  Luttrell,  with 
Mr.  Henry,  Alexander  and  Francis  Luttrell,  Mr.  Hayne 
and  Mr.  Milward,  set  out  from  Dunster  a  little  before  10, 
and  at  Alcombe  Cross  met  the  colours,  drums,  and  violins, 
chamber  gun  men  and  a  very  great  number  of  the  principal 
and  other  voters  and  others. 

"  All  walked  from  thence  into  Minehead  ;  first  colours, 
drums  and  violins  ;  next  the  two  constables  with  their  staffs  ; 
next  Mr.  and  Mr.  J.  Luttrell  with  their  hats  off;  and  all 
others  followed.  Stopt  some  time  at  Mr.  Cox's  and  all 
went  from  thence  in  same  manner  to  Market  Place,  where 
the  cryer  proclaimed  silence  three  times.  Then  Mr.  Warren 
read  the  precept  and  publication  of  it.  Then  Mr.  Hayman 
swore  the  two  constables,  and  after  Mr.  Baston  read  the 
Bribery  Act.  Then  Mr.  Luttrell  offered  himself;  then 
Mr.  J.  Luttrell  offered  himself,  candidates.  Then  the  con- 
stables and  candidates  adjourned  to  the  Market  House  for 
polling.  " 

Ten  electors  and  the  two  constables  recorded  a  vote 
apiece  for  each  candidate.  After  a  few  more  formal- 
ities,  Mr.  Cox  declared    them  duly   elected.     They 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  255 

returned  thanks,  which  were  received  with  applause, 
and  were  then  carried  to  Mr.  Cox's  house  in  two 

"  Then  all  dispersed  and  Mr.  Luttrell  ^c.  came  home  to 
dinner,  not  having  spent  a  penny  on  either  of  his  canvasses 
or  election  or  in  any  other  way  on  the  voters." 

Was  not  Minehead  a  model  constituency  .?  Was 
there  ever  a  more  virtuous  election-agent  than  George 
Gale,  who  wrote  as  above  ?  Less  than  four  months 
later,  the  same  George  Gale  was  busily  occupied  in 
distributing  gold  pieces  among  the  electors  of  Mine- 
head.  There  were  three  categories  : — "  Voters  who 
would  not  accept  of  the  five  guineas  ;  voters  who 
accepted  of  the  5  guineas  ;  voters  who  would  have 
been  against  Mr.  Luttrell,  so  had  nothing  given 
them. "  There  is  a  short  summary  in  Luttrell's 
own  hand  : — 

"95  voters  at  5  guineas  each 498/.   155. 

Colour-men,  ^c.  ^'c 29/.     8 j. 

10  more  to  take  50  guineas 

About  30  voters  more  who  are  to  be  allowed  the  five 
guineas  out  of  their  rents.      150  guineas." 

In  the  accounts  635/.  5/.  are  entered  as  "  gratuities 
given  the  poor  voters."  One  hundred  and  eighteen 
of  "the  common  voters"  were  entertained  at  different 
public  houses  on  the  20th  of  October  at  a  charge  of 
5J.  a  head.  On  the  same  day  "  the  principal  voters  " 
received  "  a  treat  "  or  "  general  feast  "  at  the  Plume 
of  Feathers  Inn  comprising  both   dinner  and  supper. 

A  fortnight  after  the  election.  Lord  North,  then 
Prime  Minister,  wrote  to  Luttrell  : — 

"  As  there  is  nobody  whom  1  can  wish  to  see  Member 
for  Minehead  in  preference  to  you,  1  cannot  but  rejoice  at 
the  determination  that  you  have  taken  of  representing  that 
borough    yourself.     But  as  you  seem   in  your  letter    [to 

256  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

J.  Robinson]  to  express  some  discontent  at  the  conduct  of 
Administration  with  respect  to  the  election,  I  beg  leave  to 
state  in  a  few  words  what  my  conduct  has  been  in  the 
whole  course  of  this  transaction. 

"  From  the  time  that  you  explained  to  me  that  the 
borough  was  intirely  in  your  hands,  I  have  always  disposed 
of  the  offices  there  at  your  recommendation.  That  Sir 
Charles  Whitworth  should  not  be  tempted  to  give  you  any 
trouble,  I  fixed  him  above  half  a  year  ago  as  a  candidate  for 
Dover.  As  soon  as  I  heard  from  you  that  he  was  making 
some  stir  at  Minehead,  I  wrote  to  him  to  desist.  It  was 
from  your  own  suggestion  that  1  first  thought  of  recom- 
mending a  candidate  at  Minehead,  and  it  was  upon  your 
objecting  to  Mr.  Legge  and  appearing,  as  I  thought,  willing 
to  accept  of  my  recommendation  of  another  gentleman,  that 
I  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  Governor  Pownall  to  you. 

"  This,  I  solemnly  declare,  is  all  that  I  have  done  with 
respect  to  Minehead,  and  I  cannot  conceive  how  you  can 
form,  from  any  part  of  this  conduct,  an  idea  that  I  look  upon 
it  as  a  Government  borough.  If  you  have  changed  your 
opinion,  and,  instead  of  bringing  in  a  gentleman  at  my 
recommendation,  as  you  seemed  inclined  to  do  when  I  last 
heard  from  you,  are  now  determined  to  represent  Minehead 
yourself,  I  do  not  complain  of  it,  but  if  you  take  this  step 
from  any  jealousy  of  me,  give  me  leave  to  tell  you  that 
your  jealousy  is  groundless  and  unreasonable." 

It  does  not  appear  that  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell 
had  any  real  zest  for  Parliamentary  life.  He  was 
probably  far  happier  with  his  hounds  and  his  fighting 
cocks  in  Devon  or  Somerset  than  in  London.  Having 
secured  both  seats  at  Minehead  at  the  General 
Election,  he  was  confident  that  nobody  could  with- 
stand his  interest  at  a  by-election  for  one  seat,  and 
he  was  in  a  position  to  negotiate  profitably  with 
Lord  North  or  with  that  famous  dealer  in  boroughs, 
John  Robinson.  There  is  in  his  handwriting  a 
memorandum  which,  although  undated,  may  almost 
certainly  be  referred  to  the  autumn  of  1774: — 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  257 

"  Preliminaries  to  be  settled  previous  to  my  ^c. 

Five  hundred  pounds  to  be  paid  at  all  events.  In  case 
the  person  is  returned,  3  or  2500/.  more  to  be  paid  within 
one  month  after  such  return. 

Not  to  ask  for  any  place  belonging  to  the  town  of  Govern- 
ment, unless  by  Mr....  desire. 

Not  to  offer  himself  or  his  friend  for  the  borough  at  the 
next  General  Election,  nor  upon  any  vacancy  that  may 
happen  in  the  meanwhile,  unless  by  Mr....  approbation. 
The  person  to  pay  all  his  own  and  servants  (.'')  ^c.  expenses." 

Whether  all  these  conditions  v^ere  accepted  does 
not  appear,  but  it  is  certain  that  Henry  Fownes 
Luttrell  resigned  his  seat  within  a  few  weeks  of  the 
General  Election, and  that  Thomas  Pownall,  a  support- 
er of  the  Ministry,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  place,  on 
the  31st  of  December  1774.  The  expenses  of  this 
by-election  amounted  to  less  than  50/.  Seventy-eight 
of  the  elite  of  Minehead  were  invited  to  a  ball  in 
October  1775.  In  Parliament,  Pownall  distinguished 
himself  by  his  independence  of  political  parties,  espe- 
cially with  regard  to  the  American  question.^ 

At  the  general  election  of  1780,  Henry  Fownes 
Luttrell  pursued  the  policy  which  had  proved  so 
successful  in  1774,  and  announced  that  his  interest 
would  be  exercised  in  favour  of  two  candidates  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Luttrell.  The  proceedings  have  been 
minutely  recorded  by  George  Gale  : — 

"  Monday,  September  4th.  The  writ  dated  this  day  and 
brought  by  the  Sheriff's  bailiff  to  Dunster  Castle  and  staid 
there  all  night. 

Tuesday  5th.  The  writ  delivered  to  Mr.  Chappell,  the 
Constable,  by  the  Sheriff's  man  at  half  past  ten  in  the 
morning  and  pubHshed  immediately  for  election  to  come 
on  Saturday  9  September  at  eleven  in  morning.  N.B.  Mr. 
Luttrell  gave  the  Sheriff"'s  officer  loj.  6^.  The  colours  and 
music  and  guns  at  Alcomb  Cross. 

'  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  vol.  xlvi.  p.  264. 


258  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

Wednesday  6th.  Mr.  J.  F.  Luttrell  and  Mr.  F.  F.  Luttrell 
offered  themselves  and  began  canvassing  about  eleven  and 
ended  about  half  after  six,  attended  by  Mr.  Luttrell, 
Mr.  Russell  and  son,  Mr.  Cuttiff,  and  a  great  number  of 
the  gentry  of  the  town.  George  Gale  attended  to  take 
minutes.     Not  one  dyssenting  voyce. 

Thursday  6th.  Mr.  J.  Luttrell  and  Mr.  F.  F.  Luttrell, 
attended  by  young  Mr.  Russell  and  Revd  Mr.  James 
Camplin,  and  from  Bratton  by  some  of  the  town  gentlemen, 
canvassed  the  country,  except  the  two  Mynes  and  Green- 
aleigh.  Came  back  to  dinner  at  the  first  sitting  at  the 
Luttrell  Arms  Inn. 

Friday  8th.     At  home  all  day,  nothing  doing. 

Saturday  9th.  A  little  after  ten,  Mr.  Luttrell  on  horse- 
back, Mr.  J.  Luttrell  and  Mr.  F.  F.  Luttrell  in  the  chaise, 
Mr.  Russell  and  son,  Mr.  Cuttiff,  self  and  Mr.  Crang,  Mr. 
Roberts  and  others  of  Dunster,  set  out  on  horseback  and 
were  met  by  several  of  the  Minehead  gentlemen  on  horse- 
back between  Dunster  and  Elicombe  Cross  where  Mr. 
Cox  took  the  constables  foremost  and  all  the  horse  follow- 
ing two  and  two  and  then  the  chaise  with  the  two  candidates 
followed  close  after  and  passing  a  concourse  of  people  at 
Alcomb  Cross  they  halted  immediately  beyond  while  the 
guns  fired  and  three  huzzas  given,  the  colours  iffc.  being 
ahead.  Then  proceeded  first  the  colours  and  music  and 
after  them  the  clubmen  with  their  white  staffs,  then  the 
constables  and  after  them  all  the  horsemen  two  and  two, 
and  then  the  chaise  with  the  candidates,  and  proceeded  to 
town.  The  colours  ^c.  halting  a  little  below,  the  horses  were 
taken  away  and  the  chaise  came  forward  and  the  two  candi- 
dates came  out  at  Mr.  Cox's  where  all  stopt  and  the  guns 
firing  behind  till  the  oaths  i^c.  were  ingrossed.  Then  pro- 
ceeded the  colours  drums  and  music,  with  the  two  constables 
close  after  and  the  two  candidates  with  hats  off  following, 
and  all  the  people  after,  on  to  the  Market  place,  where  a 
table  was  placed  and  a  chair  to  get  on  it.  Then  the  two  cons- 
tables and  Mr.  Bastone  read  the  Sheriffs  precept  and  publi- 
cation of  it.  (Bribery  Act  should  have  been  read.)  Then 
two  constables  sworn  and  signed  the  aflidavit  taken  by  Mr. 
Hayman,  Then  Mr.  Bastone  read  the  Bribery  Act,  which 
should  have  been  read  before  the  two  constables  were  sworn. 

CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  259 

Then    constables   asked  voters  who  they  proposed.     The 
answer  was  J.  F.   Luttrell  and  F.  F.  Luttrell,  Esqrs.  and 
three  huzzas,  (but  the  two  candidates  should  [have]  offered.) 
Then  removed  to  polHng  house.  " 

There  William  Hayman,  who  is  described  as 
'  esquire  '  and  nine  others  v\^hose  names  are  prefixed 
by  '  Mr, '  recorded  a  vote  apiece  for  the  two  candi- 

"Then  silence  proclaimed  and  proclamation  made  and 
asked  by  the  constables  if  anyone  chused  to  set  up  or  vote 
for  any  other  person,  or  any  other  person  offered  as  a  candi- 
date, to  which  "  No  "  was  answered,  and  then  the  constables 
polled  for  the  same  gentlemen,  and,  silence  being  proclaimed 
again,  the  constables  said  that  on  casting  up  the  votes  they 
found  the  majority  in  favour  of  John  Fownes  Luttrell  and 
Francis  Fownes  Luttrell,  Esquires,  and  therefore  declared 
them  duly  elected. 

"  Then  Mr.  John  Fownes  Luttrell  addressed  himself  to 
the  people  thanking  them  for  the  present  as  well  as  past 
favours  and  hoped  to  continue  to  merit  them.  Then  Mr. 
Francis  Fownes  Luttrell  addressed  himself  to  them  and 
thanked  them  for  the  favour  conferred  on  him  and  his  pro- 
ceedings in  the  trust  will  give  them  satisfaction  so  as  to  merit 
it.     Then  three  huzzas  given. 

"  The  two  elected  members  were  carried  in  two  chairs  to 
Mr.  Cox's  and  the  populace  following  they  were  there  again 
thanked  by  the  two  elected  members  and  by  Mr.  Luttrell, 
and  then  they  dispersed  quietly,  and  not  a  farthing  spent  in 
the  canvass  or  election.  " 

Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  died  on  the  30th  October 
1780,  and  was  buried  at  Dunster.  By  Margaret  his 
wife  he  had  issue  altogether  ten  children  : — 

Alexander,  born  on  the  31st  of  March  1749,  baptiz- 
ed at  Dunster  on  the  following  day,  and  buried 
there  three  months  later. 

John,  his  heir. 

26o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.     ch.  vii. 

Henry,  born  at  Tetton  on  the  30th  of  July  1753. 
He  became  a  Lieutenant  in  the  Royal  Horse  Guards 
Blue,  but  died  early.  He  was  probably  the  sub- 
ject of  a  portrait  at  Dunster  Castle  of  a  young  man 
in  a  blue  coat  with  bars  of  gold  lace  and  a  white 
silk  waistcoat.  He  was  buried  at  Dunster  on  the 
4th  of  January  1777. 

Alexander  (2).  ^ 

Francis.  ^ 

Thomas,  born  at  Dunster  on  the  loth  of  February, 
1763.  Entering  the  army  in  1782  as  an  Ensign 
in  the  89th  Foot,  he  became  a  Lieutenant  in  the 
49th  Foot  in  the  following  year  and  Captain  in 
1787.  From  that  year  until  1800,  he  was  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of  the  Somersetshire  Fencible  In- 
fantry. In  October  1807,  he  married  Catherine 
daughter  of  John  Cave  Browne  of  Stretton-in-le- 
fields  in  Derbyshire.  ^  Dying  on  the  1 9th  of  January 
181 1,  he  was  buried  eight  days  later  in  the  Abbey 
Church  at  Bath. 

Margaret  (Peggy),  born  at  Dunster  on  Christmas  Day 
1747  and  baptized  there.  When  she  was  between 
three  and  four  years  old,  she  was  painted  at  full 
length  by  Richard  Phelps  with  a  dog  beside  her.  In 
April  1769,  she  sat  in  London  to  an  artist  of  a  very 
different  calibre.  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds's  list  of 
sitters  for  that  month  records  the  name  of  'Miss 
Luttrell, '  and  there  is  a  note  in  his  hand  : — 
"  When  Miss  Luttrell  is  finished  to  write  Mr.  Lutt- 
rell, Dunster  Castle,  Somersetshire."  With  this  clear 
evidence  before  them,  biographers  of  Reynolds  have 
gone  out  of  their  way  to  describe  the  subject  as  the 
daughter   of   an  Irish  peer  and  the   sister  of  the 

',  »,  See  Appendix.  »  Monthly  Magazine,  p.  141. 

Si):  .7.  h'eijUKlds 


CH.  VII.     A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  261 

Duchess  of  Cumberland.  ^  The  original  portrait 
and  a  contemporary  copy  of  it  are  alike  at  Dunster 
Castle.  One  of  them  has  hung  there  ever  since  it 
was  finished.  The  other  belonged  for  some  seventy 
years  to  successive  members  of  the  Southcote 
family,  for  on  the  24th  of  April  1769,  when  the 
picture  was  barely  finished,  Margaret  Fownes 
Luttrell  was  married,  at  St.  Anne's  Soho,  to 
John  Henry  Southcote,  of  Buckland  Toutsaints, 
and  Stoke  Fleming  in  Devonshire.  There  is  a 
portrait  of  him  also  at  Dunster  Castle,  painted  some 
fifteen  or  twenty  years  later  and  attributed  to  Opie. 
Mrs.  Southcote  died  in  1792.  Her  husband  sur- 
vived until  1820.  ' 

Anne,  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  4th  of  July  1750 
and  buried  there  on  the  i8th  of  August. 

Anne  (2),  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  30th  of  June  175  i 
and  buried  there  on  the  ist  of  August. 

Anne  (3),  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  4th  of  May  1758 
and  buried  there  on  the  1 2th  of  August. 

Margaret  Fownes  Luttrell,  the  heiress  of  Dunster, 
having  died  in  1766,  her  husband  remained  a  wid- 
ower for  some  years.  In  1 771,  he  married  Frances 
daughter  of  Samuel  Bradley  of  Dunster,  who  claimed 
descent  from  the  Luttrells  through  her  mother. 
After  his  death,  she  resided  at  Taunton,  but  she  was 
buried  at  Dunster  in  November  1803. 

'  Leslie  &   Taylor's   Life  of  Sir  J.  *  Gentleman's  Magazine,  vol.  xxxix. 

Reynolds,  vol.  i.  p.  347;  Graves.  p.  270. 


The  Fownes  Luttrells  of  Dunster 

John  Fownes  Luttrell,  eldest  son  of  Henry  and 
Margaret,  was  baptized  at  Dunster  on  the  24th  of 
June  1752.  He  matriculated  at  Queen's  College, 
Oxford,  in  1770,  but  did  not  proceed  to  a  degree. 
As  has  been  seen  above,  he  was  returned  to  Parliament 
for  the  borough  of  Minehead  in  1774,  and  again  in 
1780.  On  the  death  of  his  father  in  November  of 
the  latter  year,  he  succeeded  to  the  family  estates, 
but  some  little  time  seems  to  have  elapsed  before  he 
rewarded  with  four  guineas  apiece  those  of  the  Mine- 
head  electors  who  had  supported  him  at  the  poll.  In  an 
"  alphabetical  list  of  voters,  "  there  is  a  note  by  George 
Gale — "  those  marked '  Gent. '  do  not  take  money  and  are 
invited  to  the  annual  treats."  Among  these  '  gentlemen' 
were  the  local  surgeons,  the  captains  of  several  ships, 
a  farmer,  a  butcher,  a  glazier,  and  a  roper. 

In  the  early  part  of  1783,  Francis  Fownes  Luttrell, 
thejunior  member  for  Minehead,  accepted  the  steward- 
ship of  the  Chiltern  Hundreds,  and  his  brother  brought 
in  Henry  Beaufoy  of  Shropshire,  without  a  word  of 
opposition.  The  exact  terms  of  the  agreement  between 
them  are  not  recorded,  but  it  may  fairly  be  assumed 
that  the  stranger  was  made  to  pay. 

After  the  dissolution  of  Parliament  in  the  following 


year,  John  Fownes  Luttrell  and  Henry  Beaufoy  were 
re-elected  for  Minehead,  but  the  latter,  having  been 
returned  also  for  Great  Yarmouth,  decided  to  serve 
for  the  East  Anglian  borough.  Charles  Phipps  of 
Mulgrave  Hall,  in  Yorkshire,  was  chosen  in  his  stead, 
but  died  in  1786  and  was  succeeded  by  Robert  Wood 
of  Lyme  Grove,  in  Surrey. 

At  the  General  Election  of  1790,  John  Fownes 
Luttrell  was  returned  for  Minehead,  together  with 
George,  Viscount  Parker,  who  was  appointed  Con- 
troller of  the  Household  in  the  following  year.  Al- 
though there  had  not  been  any  contest,  sixty-one  of 
the  electors  eventually  received  four  guineas  apiece. 
When  Lord  Parker  succeeded  to  the  Earldom  of 
Macclesfield  in  1795,  Luttrell  was  unprovided  with  a 
suitable  candidate  willing  to  purchase  a  fairly  safe  seat. 
In  order  therefore  to  maintain  the  interest  of  Dunster 
Castle  in  the  borough,  he  put  forward  his  own  brother, 
Thomas  Fownes  Luttrell,  who  was  duly  elected. 

After  a  long  period  of  tranquillity,  the  little  borough 
of  Minehead  was,  in  1796,  agitated  by  a  severe  elect- 
oral contest,  four  candidates  coming  forward  for  the 
two  seats.  On  the  one  side  were  John  Fownes 
Luttrell  of  Dunster  Castle  and  his  brother  Colonel 
Thomas  Fownes  Luttrell;  on  the  other  John  Langston 
of  Sarsden  House  in  Oxfordshire,  and  Rear-Admiral 
Charles  Morice  Pole.  Whether  there  was  any  politi- 
cal question  at  issue  does  not  appear.  The  electors 
were,  however,  exhorted  by  Langston  and  his  friends 
to  free  themselves  from  "  tyrannic  sway."  The  poll 
was  opened  on  Saturday  the  28th  of  May  and  closed 
on  the  evening  of  the  30th,  when  the  Luttrells  were 
exhausted  and  their  opponents  in  almost  the  same 
condition.  The  result  of  the  voting  was  not  entirely 
satisfactory  to  either  side  : — 

264  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

J.  Fownes  Luttrell,  97, 

J.  Langston,  94, 

T.  Fownes  Luttrell,  85, 

C.  M.  Pole,  82. 

John  Fownes  Luttrell  and  John  Langston  were  ac- 
cordingly returned  to  Westminster. 

After  the  election  was  over,  a  list  was  made  of  no 
less  than  eighty-two  persons  who  had  promised  one 
vote  to  John  Fownes  Luttrell,  but  who  at  the  poll 
recorded  both  their  votes  against  him.  Considering 
that  several  of  these  '  turncoats  '  were  tenants  who 
had  not  for  several  years  paid  the  rent  due  to  him,  it 
is  clear  that  his  opponents  must  have  offered  them 
some  very  substantial  inducement  to  vote  openly 
against  their  landlord.  Having  got  into  Parliament, 
Langston  applied  himself  to  strengthening  his  interest 
at  Minehead,  by  buying  land  and  building  houses 
there.  On  the  other  hand,  twenty-four  of  "  the 
principal  inhabitants  "  met  at  the  Plume  of  Feathers 
in  November,  "  to  form  some  plan  for  recovering 
and  effectually  securing  Mr.  Luttrell's  interest  "  and 
unanimously  passed  several  resolutions.  They  recom- 
mended, for  instance,  that  Mr.  Luttrell  should  repair 
"  the  common  houses  "  and  erect  temporary  shambles 
for  the  butchers.     Their  third  resolution  was  : — 

"  That  Mr.  Luttrell  be  recommended  to  dispossess  all 
such  persons  of  their  houses,  grounds,  etc.  as  were  inimical 
to  his  interest  at  the  last  election.  " 

They,  moreover,  bound  themselves  to  give  a  prefer- 
ence in  the  employment  of  labourers  to  all  such  as 
had  supported  Mr.  Luttrell  at  the  recent  election. 

A  very  circumstantial  and  withal  fairly  candid 
account  of  the  Minehead  election  in  1802,  was  laid 
before  Thomas  Plumer,  afterwards  Master  of  the  Rolls. 


From  this  we  learn  that  John  Langston,  one  of  the 
sitting  members,  and  James  Woodbridge  offered  them- 
selves as  candidates  on  Easter  Day,  the  i8th  of  April, 
and  that,  tv\ro  days  later,  John  Fow^nes  Luttrell  began 
a  canvass  on  behalf  of  himself  and  "  his  friend  "  un- 
specified.    Entertainments  were  given  by  both  parties. 

"  Mr.  Luttrell,  the  proprietor  of  every  inn  in  the  borough, 
opened  them  to  the  number  of  thirteen,  in  the  usual  manner 
upon  such  occasions.  Billets  were  made  out  by  his  agents 
for  a  certain  number  of  the  voters  in  his  interest  to  go  to 
each  of  the  several  inns,  where  suppers  were  very  frequently 
given,  liquor  was  always  ready  to  be  distributed,  and  in  short 
the  most  unlimited  treating  took  place.  Mr.  Langston's 
and  Mr.  Woodbridge's  voters  were  entertained  as  constantly, 
in  a  room  fitted  up  for  the  purpose  out  of  a  barn,  and  in 
another  room  within  the  borough,  and,  except  that  Mr. 
Luttrell's  entertainments  were  the  most  liberal  as  to  the  food 
and  liquor  provided,  no  distinction  can  be  made  between  the 
treating  on  either  side.  " 

On  the  1 6th  of  May,  John  Patteson  came  to  stay 
at  Dunster  Castle,  and  on  the  morrow  his  host  in- 
troduced him  to  the  borough  as  the  person  whom  he 
intended  to  support.  According  to  an  arrangement 
between  them,  Luttrell  managed  the  campaign  and 
paid  all  the  expenses.  Treating  continued  until  the 
28th  of  June,  when  Luttrell  and  Patteson  announced 
that  it  must  cease,  because  Parliament  was  about  to  be 
dissolved.  Their  opponents,  however,  went  on  as 
before.  At  this  juncture,  Mr.  Lethbridge,  "  a  gentle- 
man of  very  large  property  and  a  particular  friend  of 
Mr.  Luttrell,"  appeared  on  the  scene  and  said  that 
the  public-houses  must  be  kept  open,  he  himself 
undertaking  to  pay  all  consequent  expenses.  This,  we 
are  told,  he  did  "  without  the  least  view  to  remunera- 
tion" and  "from  pure  regard  to  Mr.  Luttrell's  interest." 
Indeed,  he  was  prepared  to  "  state  "  that  he  had  not 

266  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

"  the  least  prospect  or  expectation  of  repayment, " 
although  he  had  suffered  no  pecuniary  loss  through 
lending  his  name  for  a  similar  purpose  at  the  previous 

After  the  issue  of  the  writ,  Langston  and  Wood- 
bridge  became  more  liberal  than  before,  while  the 
supporters  of  Luttrell  and  Patteson  were  restricted  to 
bread  and  cheese  in  a  large  room,  the  liquor  at  the 
inns  being  supplied  by  Lethbridge,  without  authority 
from  them.  At  the  last  moment,  two  fresh  candidates 
were  put  up  against  the  Castle  interest,  in  view  of  the 
possibility  that  the  House  of  Commons  might  disallow 
the  return  of  any  of  the  others.  The  poll  for  this  little 
borough  was  kept  open  no  less  than  five  days,  the 
result  being  declared  on  the  5th  of  July,  as  follows: — 













This  election  seems  to  have  aroused  a  good  deal  of 
ill  feeling.  On  the  one  hand,  Luttrell  began  proceed- 
ings against  some  of  his  neighbours  for  libel  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  defeated  candidates  presented  a  petition 
against  the  return.  Luttrell  had  "  not  the  least 
apprehension"  that  he  could  be  unseated  for  bribery. 
"  Upon  his  canvass,  he  uniformly  rejected  to  receive 
the  promise  of  any  vote  attended  with  any  condition 
whatever."  With  regard  to  treating,  his  position 
was  much  weaker,  and  the  returning  officers,  who 
were  virtually  his  nominees,  had  refused  the  aid  of  an 
experienced  assessor.  In  the  case  submitted  to  coun- 
sel by  his  agents,  there  is  an  ingenuous  confession  : — 


"  How  to  state  the  conduct  of  the  returning  officers  so  as 
to  show  that  they  did  not  act  illegally,  partially,  and  corruptly, 
is  felt  from  the  nature  of  things  to  be  very  difficult. " 

As  the  other  side  had  equally  valid  reasons  for  shunning 
a  public  enquiry,  a  compromise  was  eventually  made, 
Luttrell  undertaking  to  stop  his  prosecutions,  and 
Langston  and  Woodbridge  undertaking  to  drop  their 
petition.  Furthermore,  in  August  1803,  Langston 
agreed  to  sell  to  Luttrell  all  his  property  in  the  borough 
of  Minehead,  consisting  largely  of  houses  built  for  the 
purpose  of  creating  votes.  Three  arbitrators  learned 
in  the  law  fixed  the  price  at  7,000/.  Finally,  William 
Davis  of  Alcombe,  merchant,  published  an  apology 
for  having  issued  "  a  most  false,  scandalous,  and  malici- 
ous libel  "  on  John  Fownes  Luttrell,  esquire. 

The  papers  at  Dunster  Castle  afford  very  little  in- 
formation about  the  General  Election  of  1 806.  Under 
date  of  the  22nd  of  October,  there  is  a  "rough  list 
of  inhabitants  of  Minehead  likely  to  vote  for  Mr.  Lut- 
trell and  his  friend."  Then  there  is  a  "  list  of  voters 
as  they  were  billeted  to  the  different  houses  in  Mine- 
head  for  a  supper  and  drink,  the  24th  October.  " 
Lastly,  there  is  a  hst  of  seventy-two  "  gentlemen  to 
be  invited  to  dine  at  the  Plume  of  Feathers  Inn  in 
Minehead,  on  Wednesday  the  5  th  day  of  November 
1806."  The  election  had  already  been  held  on  the 
ist  of  the  month,  when  Sir  John  Lethbridge  and 
Lord  Rancliffe  had  been  returned.  Luttrell  had  with- 
drawn at  the  last  moment,  but  it  is  practically  certain 
that  both  the  members  were  his  nominees,  Lethbridge 
resigned  within  a  few  weeks  and  John  Fownes  Luttrell 
was  returned  in  his  place  on  the  1 4th  of  January  1 807. 

Another  dissolution  of  Parliament  followed  very 
shortly,  the  King  desiring  a  House  of  Commons  that 
would  support  the  ministry  formed  by  the  Duke  of 

268  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

Portland.  On  this  occasion,  a  final  attempt  was  made 
to  overthrow  the  supremacy  of  the  Castle  interest  in 
the  borough  of  Minehead.  The  struggle  was  very- 
brief.  On  the  6th  of  May  1807,  the  Hon.  Thomas 
Bowes  issued  a  printed  address  "  to  the  worthy  and 
independent  electors,  "  which  did  not  contain  the 
slightest  reference  to  his  political  views  ;  he  simply 
asked  them  to  exercise  their  "freedom  of  suffrage,  " 
and  declared  his  desire  to  protect  them  "  from  the 
shackles  and  abuses  of  tyranny  and  corruption.  "  A 
song  composed  on  his  behalf  similarly  asks  : — 

"  Shall  Britons  bold  be  bought    and  sold 
Slave-like — mere  traffic  in  a  fair  ?  " 

The  poll  was  opened  on  the  8th  of  May,  and  after 
seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  "  the  Hon.  Thomas 
Bowes  sent  a  letter  to  Mr.  William  Leigh,  informing 
him  that  he  would  not  give  Mr.  Luttrell  any  further 
trouble.  "  Only  thirty-four  electors  recorded  their 
votes  on  the  following  day,  and  when  the  numbers 
were  officially  counted,  the  result  was  declared  : — 

John  Fownes  Luttrell,       123, 
John  Denison,  108, 

Hon.  Thomas  Bowes,         64. 

In  18 1 2,  John  Fownes  Luttrell  and  his  son,  John 
Fownes  Luttrell  the  younger,  were  elected  "  by  ac- 
clamation and  with  the  most  cordial  demonstrations 
of  regard."  The  event  was  celebrated  by  a  ball  in 
November,  to  which  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  persons 
were  invited,  all  belonging  to  the  professional  and 
commercial  class. 

The  administration  of  the  Dunster  estate  by  John 
Fownes  Luttrell  the  elder  was  marked  by  several 
changes,  all  tending  to  a  concentration  of  his  interest. 
Between  the  years  1789  and  1793,  he  purchased  from 




Lord  Stawell  the  whole  of  the  Stewkley  inheritance 
at  Dunster,  comprising  the  rectorial  tithes,  the  advow- 
son,  and  several  burgages  and  fields  at  Marsh.  In 
1796,  he  paid  8,000/.  to  Juliana,  Lady  Langham, 
daughter  and  eventual  heiress  of  George  Musgrave, 
for  the  impropriate  rectory  and  the  advowson  of  the 
adjoining  parish  of  Carhampton,  with  a  house  and  a 
few  acres  called  Uphill  at  Rodhuish.  Fifteen  years 
later,  he  bought  the  manor  of  Sandhill  in  the  parish 
of  Carhampton  from  Hugh  Escott.  As  a  set-off 
against  these  purchases,  he  sold  the  outlying  manor  of 
Heathfield  Durborough  to  John  Perring  of  Combe 
Florey,  in  1803,  for  the  sum  of  22,000/. 

At  an  earlier  period  of  his  life,  John  Fownes  Lut- 
trell  had  taken  considerable  interest  in  horses,  and 
there  are  at  Dunster  Castle  silver  cups  won  by  him 
at  Lichfield  races  in  1781  and  at  Totnes  races  eight 
years  later.  He  married,  on  the  2nd  of  August 
1782,  Mary  daughter  of  Francis  Drewe  of  Grange, 
in  Devonshire,  and  by  her  had  issue  five  sons  and 
four  daughters  : — 
John,  his  heir. 

Henry,  successor  to  his  brother. 

Francis,  born  on  the  loth  of  February  1792,  and 
baptized  at  Dunster.  He  matriculated  at  Christ 
Church,  Oxford  in  1 8  10,  but  left  without  a  degree, 
accepting  a  commission  in  the  Grenadier  Guards  in 
March  18  13,  just  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  French  from  Spain.  He  was  stay- 
ing at  Dunster  Castle  when  the  news  arrived  of 
Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba,  and  he  forthwith  went 
up  to  London,  whence  he  proceeded  by  Ramsgate, 
Ostend,  and  Ghent,  to  join  his  battalion  at  Enghien. 
At  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  he  was  wounded  in  the 
hand.      On  the  2 1  st  of  February  1 8  24,  he  married, 

2/0  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

at  Kensington,  his  cousin  Louisa  daughter  of  Samuel 
Drewe,  and  he  sold  his  commission  in  April  1825. 
Settling  at  Kilve  Court  as  a  country  gentleman,  he 
became  the  first  chairman  of  the  Williton  Board  of 
Guardians  and  the  first  Master  of  the  West  Somerset 
Fox-hounds.  In  1 8  39,  he  was  appointed  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  Somerset  Militia. 
He  died  on  the  4th  of  January  1862  and  was  buried 
at  Dunster,  where  there  is  a  stained  glass  window 
in  memory  of  him.  Mrs.  Luttrell  survived  until 
1 88 1.  They  had  issue  nine  children  : — 
George,    successor    to   his   uncle,    Henry    Fownes 

Luttrell,  of  Dunster  Castle. 
Edward,  of  Kilve  Court,  born  in  1 83 1  and  educated 

at  Eton  and  Christ  Church,  Oxford.      He  died 

on  the  3rd  of  July  1865. 
Arthur  John,   born   in    1832,   entered   the   Royal 

Navy  and  died  at  Penang  in  1847. 
Francis,  born  in  1836  and  educated  at  Eton  and 

Oriel  College,   Oxford.      He  died  in   Natal  in 

1 880.  By  Helena  his  wife,  daughter  of  Stephanus 

Maritz   of  Natal,  he  left  issue  two  daughters, 

Helena  Louisa  (Nina)  and  Margery. 
Reginald,  born  in  1839  and  educated  at  Eton  and 

Oriel   College,  Oxford.      He  died  at  Torquay 

in  1866. 
Augusta  Margaret  born  in  May  1825  and  baptized 

at  Kilve.      She  died  in  1880. 
Charlotte,  born  in  1828  and  died  in  1842. 
Caroline,   born   in    1829   and  burned  to  death  at 

Kilve  Court  in  1856. 
Mary  Anne,  married  in    1861    to   Henry  Anstey 

Bosanquet,  barrister  at  law,  afterwards  of  Clan- 

ville  in  Minehead. 
Alexander,  rector  of  East  Quantockshead. 




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Thomas,  born  on  the  iith  of  September   1794  and 
baptized  at  Dunster.     Like  his  three  elder  brothers, 
he  was  educated  at  Eton,  whence  he  proceeded  to 
Exeter  College,  Oxford,  in  18 14.     Entering  holy 
orders,  he  served  the  cure  of  Dunster  from  1821 
until  1872,  holding  also  the  vicarage  of  Minehead 
for  some  years,  and  from  1832  onwards  the  vicarage 
of  Carhampton.      At  the  close  of  his  life,  he  built 
the  school  at  Dunster,  and  he  died  there  in  De- 
cember 1 87 1. 
Mary  Anne,  born  on  the  27th  of  July    1783,   and 
baptized   at    Dunster.      She   was   buried   there  in 
May  1835. 
Margaret,   born   on   the   8th    of  October    1784  and 
baptized   at    Dunster.      She  was   buried   there    in 
June  1858. 
Charlotte,  born   on  the   23rd  of  March    1786   and 
baptized   at    Dunster.     She   was   buried   there   in 
March  1791. 
Harriet,   born   on    the    21st   of  October    1788    and 
baptized   at    Dunster.      She   was   buried   there  in 
April  1870. 
John  Fownes  Luttrell  died  in  February  1 8  1 6  and  was 
buried  at  Dunster.      His  relict  survived  until  March 
1829.      There  is  a  good  portrait  of  him  by  Opie,  for 
which  he  paid  only   four  guineas  in  1782,  the  artist 
being  then  young  and  almost  unknown.  '     There  is 
also  a  miniature  of  him  set  in  diamonds. 

A  charming  pair  of  oval  drawings  by  John  Down- 
man,  dated  1781,  represents  two  Misses  Drewe,  Mary 
afterwards  the  wife  of  John  Fownes  Luttrell,  and 
Charlotte  afterwards  the  wife  of  his  brother  Francis 
Fownes  Luttrell. 

'  In   Rogers's   Opic  and  his  works      the  possession  of  a  Mr.  J.  S.  Townsend, 
(p.  122),  this  picture  is  stated  to  be  in       who  cannot  be  identifted. 

2/2  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

John  Fownes  Luttrell  the  second  was  born  on 
the  26th  of  August  1787  and  baptized  at  Dunster. 
He  was  educated  at  Eton  and  at  Oriel  College,  Oxford, 
where  he  took  the  degree  of  M.A.  Succeeding  to 
the  family  estate  in  18 16,  he  soon  increased  it  by 
purchasing  the  manor  of  Eastbury  and  Briddicot  Farm, 
both  situate  in  Carhampton  and  formerly  the  property 
of  the  Perceval  family. 

It  has  been  seen  above  that  this  John  Fownes 
Luttrell  was  returned  as  one  of  the  members  for 
Minehead  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  He 
was  duly  re-elected  without  opposition  in  1 8  1 8  and 
after  four  subsequent  dissolutions  of  Parliament,  and 
on  each  occasion  he  nominated  his  own  colleague. 
In  the  Reform  Bill,  Minehead,  with  an  electorate 
of  only  two  hundred  and  fifteen  voters,  mostly  his 
tenants,  was  scheduled  for  disfranchisement.  The 
proposal  of  course  aroused  his  keen  opposition.  He 
and  his  agent  prepared  an  elaborate  case  on  behalf 
of  the  threatened  constituency,  giving  such  facts 
and  statistics  as  appeared  favourable  to  it,  and  some 
adroit  references  to  the  historic  importance  of  Dun- 
ster. By  way  of  showing  that  Minehead  was  not 
a  mere  pocket-borough  of  the  Luttrells,  the  case 
states  that  there  had  been  two  contested  elections 
there  within  the  previous  thirty  years,  though  it 
prudently  refrains  from  giving  the  dates  of  them. 
In  proposing  moreover  that  the  parishes  of  Car- 
hampton, Withycombe,  Wootton  Courtenay  and 
Timberscombe  should  be  included  in  the  parlia- 
mentary borough,  it  does  not  mention  that  the 
Luttrell  influence  was  predominant  in  at  least  two 
of  them.  Lord  John  Russell  and  his  followers  were 
not  to  be  moved  by  such  devices,  and,  in  1832, 
Minehead  lost  the  right    of  sending  up   represent- 


atives  to  Westminster.  After  its  disfranchisement, 
John  Fownes  Luttrell  stood  for  the  western  division 
of  the  county  in  the  Tory  interest,  but  he  was  not 
successful.  ^  He  died  unmarried  and  was  buried  at 
Dunster  on  the  21st  of  January  1857. 

Henry  Fownes  Luttrell,  second  son  of  the  first 
John  Fownes  Luttrell,  was  born  on  the  7th  of  Febru- 
ary 1790  and  baptized  at  Dunster.  He  was  educated 
at  Eton  and  at  Brasenose  College,  Oxford,  where  he 
proceeded  B.  A.  On  the  death  of  his  father  in  1 8  1 6, 
he  was  elected  to  succeed  him  as  one  of  the  Members 
for  Minehead,  and  he  was  re-elected  in  1 8 1 8  and 
again  in  1820,  but  he  resigned  his  seat  in  1822,  in 
order  to  become  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  audit- 
ing the  Public  Accounts.  Many  years  of  his  life 
were  spent  in  London,  as  he  held  office  until  1 849. 
He  succeeded  his  brother  John  at  Dunster  in  1857, 
but  died  unmarried  in  October  1867. 

George  Fownes  Luttrell,  eldest  son  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Francis  Fownes  Luttrell,  was  born  at 
Kilve  on  the  27th  of  September  1826.  He  was 
educated  at  Eton,  where  he  succeeded  his  cousin 
H.A.  Fownes  Luttrell  as  Captain  of  the  Boats.  He 
afterwards  went  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  and  pro- 
ceeded B.A.  On  the  death  of  his  father,  he  became 
Master  of  the  West  Somerset  Fox-hounds,  which  he 
kept  as  a  private  pack  for  some  years  after  his  success- 
ion to  his  uncle,  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell,  in  1867. 

In  1 873,  the  Dunster  estate  comprised  15,374  acres, 
with  a  gross  rental  of  22,000/. '  Viscount  Portman, 
Sir  J.  H.  Greville  Smyth,  and  Sir  Thomas  Dyke  Acland 

'  Some   doggrel  lines  on   '  Luttrell  the  history  of  the  borough, 
standing  against  Sanford  '   quoted  in  *  Bateman'sGrert/L(im/i7:rHfrs,(i883) 

Hancock's  Miuehcad,  p.  361,  refer  to  p.  284. 
this  election,  and  are  unconnected  with 

274  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.    ch.  viii. 

were  the  only  persons  with  a  larger  or  more  valuable 
property  in  Somerset.  In  addition  to  this,  Mr.  Lut- 
trell  was  entered  in  1873  as  owning  1852  acres  in 
Devonshire,  the  inheritance  of  the  Fownes  family, 
most  of  which  he  sold  in  the  following  year.  The 
estate  in  Somerset  had  been  materially  enlarged  in 
1870,  by  the  purchase  of  the  manor  of  Old  Cleeve, 
including  the  very  interesting  and  beautiful  remains 
of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Mary  in  the  Flowery  Vale,  those 
of  the  dependent  Chapel  of  St.  Mary  a  little  to  the 
north,  and  the  Jacobean  house  called  Binham.  None 
who  can  remember  the  time  when  the  cloisters  of 
Cleeve  Abbey  served  as  pigstyes,  can  fail  to  appreciate 
the  care  that  has  been  bestowed  upon  the  monastic 
buildings  during  the  last  thirty  years  and  more.  In 
1870,  Avill  was  acquired  from  Sir  Thomas  Dyke 
Acland,  in  exchange  for  land  between  Minehead  and 
Selworthy.  Twenty-one  years  later,  Aller  in  Car- 
hampton,  formerly  the  residence  of  the  Everards,  was 
added  to  the  Luttrell  estate.  An  interesting  comparison 
might  be  drawn  between  the  position  of  the  medieval 
lords  of  Dunster,  owning  a  number  of  isolated  manors 
in  different  counties  and  that  of  their  present  repre- 
sentative, owning  a  large  but  more  compact  estate  in 
the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  his  own  residence. 

The  important  alterations  made  by  Mr.  Luttrell  in 
the  Castle  and  the  Church  at  Dunster  will  be  des- 
cribed in  future  chapters.  Those  made  by  him  at 
Minehead,  at  East  Quantockshead  and  elsewhere 
hardly  come  within  the  scope  of  the  present  volume. 

A  notable  event  in  the  local  annals  was  the  then 
Prince  of  Wales's  visit  to  Dunster  in  August  1879, 
when  he  stayed  two  nights  at  the  Castle,  and  went  to 
a  meet  of  the  Devon  and  Somerset  Stag-hounds  at 
Hawkcombe  Head. 


Mr.  Luttrell  married,  in  August  1852,  Anne  Eliza- 
beth Periam,  daughter  of  Sir  Alexander  Hood,  baronet, 
and  has  issue  : — 

Alexander,  born  on  the  ist  of  June  1855  and  educated 
at  Eton.  After  serving  for  about  a  year  in  the 
Rifle  Brigade,  he  received  a  commission  in  the 
Grenadier  Guards  in  1 876.  He  was  in  the  Soudan 
campaign  at  Suakim  in  1885  and  became  Captain. 
He  married,  in  April  1886,  Alice  Edwina  daughter 
of  Colonel  Munro  Ferguson  of  Raith  and  Novar 
in  Scotland,  and  has  issue  two  sons  : — 

Geoffrey,  born  on  the  20th  of  May  1887. 
Ralph  Paganel,  born  on  the  26th  of  May  1889. 
Hugh  Courtenay,  born  on  the  loth  of  February  1857 
and  educated  at  Cheltenham.      He  served  for  some 
time  in  the  Rifle  Brigade  and  was  Aide-de-Camp 
successively  to  Earls  Cowper  and    Spencer  when 
Lords  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.      He  has  been  Mem- 
ber for  the  Tavistock  division  of  Devonshire  from 
1892  to  1900  and  from  1906  to  the  present  time. 
He   married   in    February    1904,   Dorothy  Hope, 
daughter  of  Sir  William  Wedderburn,  baronet,  and 
has  issue  three  daughters,  Mary,  Louisa  and  Eliza- 
Edward,  born  on  the   24th  of  September  1858   and 

educated  at  Eton. 
Claude  Mohun,  born  on  the  9th  of  September  1867, 
and    educated    at    Eton    and    Magdalen    College, 


The  Borough  and  the  Manor  of  Dunster. 

The  earliest  historical  mention  of  Dunster  is  to  be 
found  in  the  survey  of  the  lands  of  William  de  Mohun 
made  in  1086.      In  the  Exeter  Domesday  we  read: — 

"  William  has  a  manor  which  is  called  Torra,  which  Alvric 
held  on  the  day  on  which  King  Edward  was  living  and  dead; 
and  he  paid  geld  for  half  a  hide.  One  plough  can  till  it. 
There  William  has  his  castle,  and  fifteen  bordars,  and  two 
mills  which  pay  ten  shillings,  and  five  acres  of  meadow  and 
thirty  acres  of  pasture.  It  is  worth  fifteen  shillings  and  [it 
was  worth]  five  shillings  when  he  obtained  it.  " 

In  considering  this  brief  record,  it  is  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  that  the  manor  of  Torre  thus  described 
w^as  not  co-extensive  vv^ith  the  parish  of  Dunster. 
Avill,  Alcombe  and  Staunton,  alike  belonging  to 
William  de  Mohun  in  1086  and  alvs^ays  included  in 
the  parish,  w^ere  separate  manors.  Each  of  them 
contained  more  arable  land  than  Torre.  On  the 
basis  of  hidage,  Alcombe  and  Staunton  were  more 
important  than  Torre,  and  Avill  v^as  equal  to  it.  In 
actual  value,  Alcombe  was  worth  more  than  Torre, 
and  Avill  and  Staunton  were  worth  less  only  because 
of  the  very  great  improvement  of  Torre  during  the 
two  decades  between  the  Norman  invasion  and  the 
compilation  of  Domesday  Book. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  277 

There  is  nothing  in  the  quotation  given  above  to 
show  that  the  inhabitants  of  Dunster  differed  from 
those  of  the  agricultural  villages  in  the  neighbourhood. 
In  the  course  of  the  twelfth  century,  however,  a  little 
town  grew  up  under  the  shadow  of  the  mighty  castle 
of  the  Mohuns.  There  is  mention  of  toll  levied  there 
in  1 177,  and  twenty  years  later  Dunster  is  described  as 
a  borough  which  yielded  20/.  a  year  to  its  lord.  ^ 

When  an  attempt  was  made  in  1222  to  establish  a 
market  at  Watchet,  the  government  of  Henry  the 
Third  caused  it  to  be  suppressed  without  delay,  on 
the  score  that  it  would  be  injurious  to  the  market  of 
Dunster,  the  lord  of  that  place  being  then  a  ward  of 
the  Crown.  ^ 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  earliest  charter 
relating  to  this  market,  under  the  seal  of  Reynold  de 
Mohun  the  second  : — 

"  Know  all  men  present  and  future  that  I,  Reynold  de 
Moyhun,  have  given,  granted  and  by  this  my  present  charter 
confirmed  to  Hugh  Rondevin  and  Robert  Luci  and  Robert 
the  Hunter  {yenatori)  and  Roger  Pryer  and  Robert  Chipera 
and  Simon  Coc,  my  burgesses  of  Dunster,  and  their  heirs, 
the  right  of  having  and  for  ever  possessing  of  me  and  my 
heirs  a  market  and  fair  in  the  same  in  North  Street  (in  eodem 
vico  del  Nord)y  freely  and  quietly  and  wholly,  and  without 
removal  and  impediment  of  me  and  my  heirs. 

"  On  account  of  this  gift  and  grant  to  be  held  of  me  and 
my  heirs  by  them  and  their  heirs  for  ever,  the  aforesaid 
burgesses  have  given  to  me  a  tun  of  wine  of  the  price  of 
forty  shillings  as  an  acknowledgement. 

"  In  assurance  of  this,  I  have  affixed  my  seal  to  this  writ- 
ing ;  these  being  witnesses  : — Sir  John  de  Regni,  Roges  son 
of  Simon,  William  Everadd,  Richard  of  Holne,  Roger 
Pollard,  Robert  of  Cogstane,  Geoffrey  of  Kytenor,  Geoffrey 
of  Lucumbe,  and  others.  "  * 

1  Pipe  Rolls.  *  D.C.M.  VIII.  I  ;  Gcntlevtan's  Maga- 

»  Rotuli  Litt.  Clausarum,  vol. i.  p. 527.      zitie,  vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  874. 

278  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

The  following  charter  can  be  definitely  assigned  to 
the  period  between  1254  and  1258  : — 

"  To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  to  whom  the  present  writing 
shall  come,  Reynold  de  Moyun,  greeting.  Know  ye  all  that 
I  have  granted,  released,  and  quit-claimed  for  ever  for  me 
and  my  heirs  and  all  others  who  after  me  shall  in  any  way 
be  lords,  or  guardians,  or  bailiffs  of  Dunesterre,  that  the 
burgesses  of  that  town  or  their  heirs  shall  in  no  wise  here- 
after be  made  reeves,  or  farmers  of  the  sea-port  or  of  the  toll 
of  the  borough  or  of  the  mills  of  the  same  town,  against 
their  will. 

"  I  have  also  granted  to  the  same  burgesses  and  their 
heirs  that  they  shall  be  quit  of  yearly  tallage,  so  that  no 
tallage  according  to  the  custom  of  other  boroughs  of  England 
shall  be  exacted  from  them  save  for  reasonable  and  due 

"  I  will  moreover  and  grant  for  me  and  my  heirs  and  all 
who  shall  be  lords,  or  bailiffs,  or  guardians  of  Dunesterre, 
that  the  said  burgesses  and  their  heirs  shall  have  common 
on  Crowedon  without  any  claim  or  impediment,  as  good  for 
their  use  as  they  were  wont  to  have  in  the  time  of  any  of 
[my]  predecessors. 

"  And  that  buyers  or  sellers  in  the  market  of  Dunesterre 
shall  be  quit  of  toll,  unless  their  buying  or  selling  exceed 
twelve  pence.  Likewise  fishermen  and  cornmongers  shall 
be  quit  of  toll  in  the  said  market  for  ever. 

"  I  will  moreover,  granting  for  me  and  my  heirs,  lords, 
guardians  and  bailiffs  of  Dunesterre,  that  hereafter  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  make  prise  (captionem)  from  the  brew  of  any 
one  in  the  same  town  beyond  twenty-four  gallons,  that  is  to 
say  four  gallons  for  a  penny.  If,  however,  we  shall  wish 
to  have  more  ale  from  that  brew,  it  shall  be  bought  at  the 
rate  at  which  buyers  of  the  country  (patrie)  buy  of  the 
same.  And  that  nobody  hereafter  shall  make  in  the  town 
of  Dunesterre  that  ale  which  is  called  Reeve's  Ale  (Cervisia 
Prepositi).  If,  however,  it  shall  have  been  made,  the  brewers 
(pandoxatores)  of  the  same  town  shall  not  for  that  reason 
cease  from  brewing  and  making  ale  and  selling  as  they  ought 
if  that  ale  had  not  been  brewed. 

"  And  that  if  [the  burgesses]  shall  fall  into  mercy  for  any 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  279 

offence,  they  shall  be  quit  for  six  pence,  except  for  laying 
hands  upon  the  lord,  or  the  lady,  or  any  of  the  household  of 
the  Castle. 

"  And  that  after  the  buyings  of  the  lord  at  the  sea-port 
or  in  the  aforesaid  market  have  been  made,  [the  burgesses] 
shall  forthwith  be  able  to  buy  whatever  they  may  wish  to 
buy  without  objection  (querela)  or  hindrance,  and  that  others 
of  the  country  (de patria)  shall  not  be  able  to  do  their  buying 
before  them. 

"  And  if  they  shall  find  a  rabbit  hurtful  to  them,  they 
shall  kill  it  and  bring  the  skin  to  the  Castle,  and  so  be  quit 

"  And  also  that  they  shall  openly  use  the  same  customs 
at  the  Hundred  [court]  and  elsewhere  as  they  were  wont  to 
use  in  the  time  of  any  of  my  predecessors. 

"  All  these  things  I  have  granted  to  the  said  burgesses 
and  their  heirs  for  ever,  for  the  soul  of  John  de  Moyun,  my 
firstborn  son,  of  happy  memory,  and  for  twenty  marks  which 
the  same  burgesses  have  given  to  me. 

"  Wherefore  I  will  and  grant  for  me  and  my  heirs  the 
lords,  guardians  and  bailiffs  of  Dunesterre,  that  this  my 
grant,  release,  and  quit-claim  shall  remain  valid  and  unshaken 
for  ever.  And  lest  I  Reynold,  or  my  heirs  or  any  other 
lord,  guardian,  or  bailiff  of  Dunesterre,  shall  be  able  to  contra- 
vene this  in  any  respect,  for  the  greater  assurance  hereof, 
I  have  affixed  my  seal  to  the  present  writing.  These  being 
witnesses  : — Sir  Simon  de  Ralegh,  Sir  Roges  of  Porlok, 
Sir  John  Bretasch,  Sir  William  le  Bret,  Philip  of  Lucumb, 
Richard  Aylerd,  Richard  of  Cloudesham,  Hugh  of  Avele, 
Richard  of  Linc[oln],  and  many  others.  "  ^ 

The  foregoing  has  been  described  as  one  of  the 
large  group  of  charters  characterised  by  a  limitation 
of  the  lord's  '  mercy,  '  or  powder  of  amercement,  the 
exception  here  being  the  case  of  an  assault  on  an  in- 
habitant of  the  Castle.  ^ 

One  of  the  sections  suggests  that  the  rabbits  on 
Conigar  Hill  had  so  multiplied  as  to  become  a  nui- 

»  D.C.M.  VIII.  I.  pp.  92-110. 

'  English  Historical  Review,  vol.  xvi, 

28o  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

sance  to  the  townsmen.  By  1266,  they  had  been 
exterminated  and  Conigar  had  become  ordinary  pasture 
in  demesne.  The  rabbit-warren  of  the  lords  of  Dunster 
in  subsequent  centuries  was  on  flat  ground  near  the 
sea,  a  little  to  the  east  of  Minehead.  The  '  custom  ' 
of  Dunster  with  regard  to  the  Hundred  Court  seems 
to  have  consisted  in  ignoring  it  altogether. 

The  following  charter  belongs  to  the  period  between 
1269  and  1279  : — 

"  To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  to  whom  the  present  writing 
shall  come,  John  de  Moyun,  greeting  in  the  Lord.  Know 
ye  all  that  I  have  granted,  confirmed  and  quit-claimed  for 
ever,  for  me  and  my  heirs,  to  all  the  burgesses  of  my  town 
of  Donestorre  and  their  heirs  all  the  liberties  of  the  same 
town  which  Sir  Reynold  de  Moyun,  my  grandfather,  at  any 
time  gave  and  granted  by  his  charter  to  the  said  burgesses 
and  their  heirs,  as  that  charter  witnesses  in  all  points,  without 
any  claim  to  be  made  thence  hereafter. 

"  1  have  also  granted  to  the  said  burgesses  and  their  heirs 
[the  right]  to  find  yearly  a  suitable  and  faithful  bailiff,  to 
receive,  present,  and  faithfully  answer  for  all  attachments 
made  within  the  borough.  And  if  the  same  bailiff  for  the 
time  being  shall  in  any  way  misbehave  against  the  lord  or 
the  said  burgesses  or  their  heirs,  he  the  same  bailiff  shall 
make  amend  to  his  lord,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
borough;  and  in  his  place  the  said  burgesses  shall  put  another 
bailiff  suitable  for  the  lord's  work. 

"  For  this  grant,  confirmation  and  quit-claim  the  said 
burgesses  have  given  to  me  twenty  shillings  in  hand.  In 
witness  wherof  I  have  affiixed  my  seal  to  the  present  writing. 
These  being  witnesses  : —  Sir  John  de  Brytasch,  knight, 
Philip  of  Luccomb,  Richard  of  Cloudesham,  John  of  Holne, 
Geoffrey  of  Kytenare,  Geoffrey  le  Tort,  William  Everard, 
William  Pyrou,  Robert  de  la  Putte,  and  others.  "  ^ 

With  regard  to  the  foregoing  it  is  only  necessary 
to  observe  that  in  most  manors  the  bailiff,  or  bedel, 

'  D.C.M.  VIII.  I  ;  Gentleman's  Magazine,  vol.  Ixxviii.  p.  874. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  281 

"  was  an  outsider  appointed  by  the  lord  "  to  look 
after  his  interests.  ^ 

The  next  charter  to  the  burgesses  bears  a  specific 
date  : — 

"  To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  who  shall  see  or  hear  the 
present  writing,  John  de  Moyun  the  Third,  lord  of  Duns- 
terre,  greeting  in  the  Lord.  Know  ye  all  that  I  have  granted 
and  confirmed  for  ever  for  me  and  my  heirs  to  all  the 
burgesses  of  my  town  of  Dunsterre  and  their  heirs  all  the 
liberties  of  the  same  town  which  Sir  Reynold  de  Moyun, 
my  great-grandfather,  gave  and  granted  by  his  charter  to  the 
same  burgesses  and  their  heirs. 

"  I  have  also  granted  to  the  same  burgesses  and  their 
heirs  the  estate  {statum)  and  liberty  which  they  had  by  a 
certain  writing  made  to  the  same  burgesses  by  Sir  John  de 
Moyun,  my  father. 

"  I  have  furthermore  granted  to  the  same  burgesses  and 
their  heirs  for  ever,  on  account  of  the  love  which  1  bear  to 
the  said  burgesses,  that  they  shall  have  furze  (^jaones)^ 
whorts  {rnoritas)^  turves  {turbas\  fern  {fugeras)  and  heath 
{hrueras)^  sufficient  for  their  fuel  on  my  hill  of  Croudon, 
for  ever. 

"  Provided  that  by  reason  of  this  grant  nobody  sojourning 
within  the  borough  of  Dunsterre  shall  in  any  wise  have  or 
hold  the  aforesaid  liberties  or  grants  except  the  burgesses 
and  their  heirs  or  those  who  hold  a  whole  burgage  in  the 
same  borough. 

"  And  that  this  my  grant  and  confirmation  may  remain 
approved  and  valid  for  ever,  I  have  affixed  my  seal  to  the 
present  writing.  These  being  witnesses  : — Sir  Andrew 
Loterel,  knight,  William  Osberne  then  constable  of  Duns- 
terre, Gilbert  de  la  Putte,  Roger  Arundel,  Ralph  Fitzurse, 
Robert  of  Bratton,  and  Ralph  le  Tort.  Dated  at  Dunsterre 
on  Thursday  before  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  Our 
Lady  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward." 
[a.d.  1301.]' 

In  I  571,  Croydon   common  was  stated   to  contain 

'  Vinogradoff's   Villainage  in   Eng-  '  D.C.M.  viii.  i. 

land,  p.  318. 

282  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

about  two  thousand  acres  "  very  commodious  "  to  the 
town  of  Dunster  "  for  the  necessary  fuell,  heath  and 
turfe  growinge  "  there.  ^ 

The  same  John  de  Mohun  issued  a  further  charter 
a  few  years  after  that  given  above  : — 

"  To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  who  shall  see  or  hear  the 
present  writing,  John  de  Mohun,  lord  of  Dunsterre,  greet- 
ing in  the  Lord.  Know  ye  all  that  I  have  granted  and 
confirmed  for  ever  for  me  and  my  heirs  to  all  my  burgesses 
of  my  town  of  Dunsterre  and  their  heirs  and  all  who  hold 
a  whole  burgage  that  they  shall  freely  dig  and  at  their 
pleasure  carry  away  slime  {slymam)  for  improving  their  lands, 
in  the  whole  of  my  marsh  between  the  road  that  leads  to 
the  sea-port  of  Dunsterre  and  the  marsh  of  Richard  of 
Avele  ;  and  that  they  shall  have  common  of  pasture  with  all 
their  plough-cattle  {averiis)  at  every  time  of  the  year,  except 
in  my  several  marsh  which  is  called  Estmersh,  [so]  that  they 
shall  neither  dig  there  and  carry  away,  nor  have  common 
there  with  their  plough  cattle.  Provided  that  by  reason  of 
this  grant  nobody  sojourning  within  the  borough  of  Duns- 
terre shall  in  any  wise  have  or  hold  the  aforesaid  liberties  or 
grants  except  the  burgesses  and  their  heirs  or  those  who 
hold  a  whole  burgage  in  the  same  borough. 

"  And  that  this  my  gift,  grant  and  confirmation  may 
remain  approved  and  valid  for  ever,  I  have  affixed  my  seal 
to  the  present  writing.  These  being  witnesses  : —  Sir 
Henry  of  Glastonbury,  knight,  William  Osbern,  steward, 
Geoffrey  of  Loccombe,  Gilbert  de  la  Putte,  Roger  Arundel, 
Robert  of  Bratton,  Ralph  le  Tort,  and  others.  Dated  at 
Dunsterre  on  Friday  next  after  the  feast  of  St.  James  the 
Apostle  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  King  Edward.  "  ^ 

There  is  some  error  in  the  date  of  this  charter,  for 
Edward  the  First  died  on  the  7th  of  July  1307,  and 
the  feast  of  St.  James  was  on  the  25th  of  the  month. 
The  validity  of  the  grant  seems  to  have  been  question- 

^  Chancery  Proceedings,   Series  H,       ter,  formerly  preserved  in  a  chest  in 
bundle  117,  no.  59.  Dunster  Church,  is  now  at  the  Castle. 

»  D.C.M.  viii.  I.  The  original  char- 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  283 

ed  by  George  Luttrell  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  on 
the  ground  that  the  burgesses  of  Dunster  were  not  a 
corporation.  It  may  be  useful  to  note  here  that  the 
East  Marsh  reserved  as  above  then  comprised  about 
forty  acres  used  as  a  rabbit-warren  and  commonly 
known  by  the  name  of  '  Coleborrowes.  ' 

The  following  charter  was  issued  by  the  same  John 
de  Mohun  in  1324  : — 

"  To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  who  shall  see  or  hear  the 
present  writing,  John  de  Mohun,  lord  of  Dunsterre,  greeting 
in  the  Lord.  Know  ye  all  that  I  have  given  and  granted 
for  me  and  my  heirs  and  all  others  lords,  guardians,  [or] 
bailiffs  of  Dunsterre  to  all  the  burgesses  of  my  town  of 
Dunster  continuing  for  ever  twenty  gallons  of  ale  out  of  the 
twenty-four  gallons  of  ale  formerly  due  to  me  from  every 
brew.  I  will  also  and  grant  for  me  and  my  heirs  and  all 
lords,  guardians  and  bailiffs  whomsoever,  that  hereafter  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  make  or  have  prise  (capcionem)  of  the 
brew  of  anyone  in  the  same  town,  except  four  gallons  of  ale 
from  a  brew  as  I  had  them  and  was  wont  from  the  past 
term,  and  those  of  the  ale  which  the  bailiff  found  on  sale  on 
the  day  of  search. 

"  And  I,  the  aforesaid  John  de  Mohun,  and  my  heirs 
will  warrant,  acquit  and  defend  for  ever  to  the  aforesaid  bur- 
gesses and  their  heirs  and  all  who  continue  in  the  aforesaid 
town  the  aforesaid  twenty  gallons  of  ale  against  all  mortals. 
In  testimony  whereof  I  have  affixed  my  seal  to  this  present 
writing.  These  being  witnesses  : —  Sir  Henry  of  Glaston- 
bury, knight,  Ralph  le  Tort,  Geoffrey  of  Loccumbe,  William 
of  Kytenore,  William  of  Holne,  Robert  Everard,  Geoffrey 
of  Avele,  and  others.  Dated  at  Dunsterre  on  Sunday  after 
the  feast  of  the  Purification  of  Our  Lady  in  the  seventeenth 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward,  the  son  of  King  Edward." 
[a.d.  1324.]^ 

There  must  have  been  a  good  deal  of  brewing  at 
Dunster  at  this  period,  for,  some  six  years  after  the 
date  of  the  foregoing  charter,  the  lord's  prise  of  ale 

»  D.C.M.  vin.  I. 

284  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

in  the  town  was  valued  at  2/.  i  3^.  4^.  a  year.  ^  The 
subject  will  be  mentioned  again  in  connexion  with 
the  courts  of  the  borough.  Camden,  Gerard  and 
Fuller  agree  in  stating  that  the  last  Lady  de  Mohun 
of  Dunster  obtained  from  her  husband  as  much  ground 
as  common  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  as  she 
could  walk  round  barefoot  in  one  day.  The  story, 
which  reminds  one  partly  of  Dido  and  partly  of  Lady 
Godiva,  might  be  dismissed  as  fabulous  were  it  not 
for  the  fact  that  these  three  writers  had  access  to  a 
chronicle  of  the  Mohun  family  composed  in  the  life- 
time of  this  lady  and  actually  dedicated  to  her.  ^  It 
is,  however,  necessary  to  observe  that  there  is  no  record 
of  any  charter  to  the  burgesses  of  Dunster  granted  by 
her  husband. 

In  1346,  the  town  of  Dunster  was  called  upon  to 
provide  three  armed  men  to  serve  in  the  wars  of 
Edward  the  Third.  ^  Four  years  later,  only  one  such 
man  was  demanded.*  In  1360,  for  the  first  and  last 
time,  Dunster  sent  up  two  members  to  Parliament,  in 
the  persons  of  Walter  Morys  and  Thomas  Carter.  ^ 
The  little  borough  never  had  a  mayor  or  an  alderman. 
On  the  other  hand  it  was  considered  competent  to 
receive  land  and  otherwise  to  act  in  a  corporate  ca- 
pacity. ®  Such  property  as  vested  in  it  was  apparently 
held  under  an  implied  trust  for  the  churchwardens, 
or  for  one  of  the  chantries.  ^  In  1355,  and  again  in 
1498,  there  are  specific  mentions  of  the  common  seal 
of  the  commonalty  of  the  town  of  Dunster,  every 
vestige  of  which  has  long  since  disappeared.  ^ 

*  Inq.  post   mortem,    C.    Edw.    HI.       vol.  i.  p.  164. 

file  22  (11).  ^  Inq.  ad  quod  damnum,  file  344,00. 

*  Devon  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  iv.       6  ;  D.C.B.  nos.  12,  19,  43,  46. 

p.  252.  '  D.C.B.  no.  48.  Bishop  King's  Re- 

^  Rymer's  Foedera,  vol.  iii.  p.  71.  gister  at  Wells,  f.  45. 

*  Ibid.  p.  194.  8  D.C.B.  no.  41. 

*  Return  0/  Members  of  Parliament, 












O    s 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  285 

From  some  of  the  charters  given  above,  it  appears 
that  nobody  was  accounted  a  burgess  of  Dunster  who 
did  not  hold  a  whole  burgage.  The  ground  on  either 
side  of  the  different  streets  had,  at  an  early  period, 
been  cut  up  into  narrow  strips,  each  affording  space 
for  a  house  with  a  yard  or  a  garden  behind.  The 
tenements  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  High  Street  were 
separated  from  the  Hanger  Park  by  a  continuous 
paling  or  wall  ;  those  opposite  were  similarly  separated 
from  the  Priory  Green.  In  some  parts  of  the  town, 
the  arrangement  was  not  quite  so  symmetrical.  Each 
strip  of  normal  size  was  known  as  a  burgage  and  was 
held  of  the  lord  by  the  free  tenure  of  that  name.  As 
in  several  other  ancient  boroughs,  the  rent  was  usually 
a  shilling  a  year  for  each  burgage,  a  substantial  amount 
not  far  below  the  actual  value  of  the  premises  when 
first  acquired. 

Subject  to  this  and  some  other  obligations  to  be 
mentioned  hereafter,  the  burgess  could  deal  with  his 
holding  as  he  chose,  and  he  could  even  bequeath  it 
by  will,  at  a  time  when  testamentary  powers  over  land 
were  very  restricted.  The  lord  therefore  never  got 
an  escheat  unless  a  bastard  tenant  died  intestate.  All 
the  burgesses  were,  as  such,  essentially  free  men, 
though  of  course  they  might  also  be  tenants  of  agri- 
cultural land  in  the  manor  liable  to  the  ordinary  con- 
ditions of  villein  service. 

While  all  the  burgages  were,  as  the  name  implies, 
situate  within  the  borough,  they  were  not  necessarily 
single  houses  inhabited  by  burgesses.  A  barn,  or  even 
a  void  plot  of  ground,  might  be  accounted  a  burgage. 
There  is  occasional  mention  of  half-burgages.  On 
the  other  hand  there  might  be  two  dwellings  on  one 
burgage.  By  the  seventeenth  century,  however,  the 
medieval  meaning  of  a  '  burgage  '  as  a  piece  of  ground 

286  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

held  by  burgage  tenure,  had  been  largely  forgotten, 
and  the  term  had  come  to  be  regarded  more  or  less  as 
an  equivalent  to  *  messuage  '  or  *  tenement,  '  and  to 
be  applied  to  houses  not  held  "  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  borough. 

We  may  fairly  suppose  that,  as  originally  allotted, 
each  burgage  had  a  separate  owner,  who  was  also  the 
occupier.  The  unrestricted  power  of  alienation,  how- 
ever, tended  to  reduce  the  number  of  burgesses,  or,  in 
other  words,  to  concentrate  the  burgages  in  a  limited 
number  of  hands.  A  prosperous  tradesman  might 
acquire  a  burgage  next  to  his  own,  in  order  to  enlarge 
his  premises.  So  again,  anyone  wanting  an  invest- 
ment for  surplus  money  might  buy  a  burgage,  in  order 
to  let  it,  at  a  time  when  the  yearly  value  had  come 
to  be  much  greater  than  the  fixed  rent  payable  to  the 
lord.  At  Dunster,  this  rent  seems  to  have  been  always 
due  from  the  owner,  the  lord  ignoring  the  mere  oc- 
cupier. If  it  was  not  paid,  the  lord  apparently  had 
no  easy  remedy  except  distress  upon  any  goods  to  be 
found  on  the  premises.  ^ 

In  the  course  of  the  later  middle  ages,  several  burg- 
ages in  Dunster  were  acquired  by  the  Abbot  and 
Convent  of  Cleeve,  the  Prior  of  Dunster,  and  the 
local  gilds  of  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Holy  Trinity. 
All  these  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Crown  at  the  dis- 
solution of  the  monasteries  and  the  subsequent  sup- 
pression of  chantries,  but  subject  to  the  rents  payable 
to  Sir  Andrew  or  Sir  John  Luttrell. 

An  'extent'  of  the  year  1266  shows  that  the  total 
number  of  burgages  in  Dunster  was  then  176J. 
Twelve  of  the  burgages  in  different  parts  of  the  town 
belonged  to  the  Benedictine  Prior.  Robert  of  Gal- 
lockswell  had  seven,  all  apparently  situate  near  the 

'  D.C.M.  I.  27;  IX.  2. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  287 

place  of  that  name  beyond  the  river.  The  surnames 
of  many  of  the  other  burgesses  indicate  their  respective 
vocations  : —  '  Mazun,  '  Smith,  Carpenter,  '  Poter,  ' 
Baker,  '  Cok, '  Webber,  Fuller,  '  Corour, '  '  Tannere, ' 
'  Glovere,  '  '  Chepman,  '  Miller,  '  Gardiner,  '  Fisher, 
Hunter  (venatorj^  Wake  (vigil)^  Clerk  and  Chaplain. 
Others  took  their  names  from  the  places  at  which 
they  dwelt,  the  Marsh,  the  Bridge,  the  Bar,  the  Corner, 
the  Well,  and  the  Churchyard.  Roger  Wyschard 
may  be  mentioned  as  a  representative  of  the  Norman 
element  in  the  population,  and  John  Portman  of  the 
English.  Among  the  more  curious  names  in  the  list 
are  those  of  William  le  Nywecomesone,  Maud  le 
Dublesterre,  Nicholas  Bukkehorn,  Alice  Stoukedostre, 
and  Joan  Cockeslop.  A  few  of  the  burgesses  had 
only  one  name  recorded,  such  as  Stou,  Wyncestre, 
Cheffynge,  Hunygod,  Couleman  and  Scherpe,  but  it 
is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  they  had  received 
them  at  their  baptism.  ^ 

The  court-roll  of  1381  records  the  admission  of 
some  new  burgesses,  at  the  usual  rent  of  a  shilling, 
but  they  obtained  only  estates  for  life.  ^  If  a  burgage 
came  into  the  lord's  hands  by  escheat,  by  purchase, 
or  by  surrender,  he  could  deal  with  it  more  or  less  as 
he  pleased,  imposing  upon  a  new  tenant  conditions  to 
which  the  representatives  of  the  original  burgesses 
were  not  subject.  Thus  the  following  entry  occurs  in 
the  court-roll  of  the  borough  for  the  year  141  3  : — 

"  To  this  court  comes  Thomas  Touker  the  younger  and 
he  gives  to  the  lord  ild.  as  a  fine  for  having  estate  and  entry 
in  a  burgage  lying  on  the  south  side  of  Grobbefast-pathe, 
which  William  Jone  lately  held,  to  hold  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  manor,  rendering  therefor  and  doing  the  same 
rents  and  services  as  the  aforesaid  William  was  wont  to 

»  D.C.M.  vui.  4.  *  D.C.M.  IX.  5. 

288  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

render  and  do.  And  he  will  build  a  new  house  of  one 
couple  (copuV)  and  two  Mnschydes'  upon  the  said  burgage 
within  two  years,  according  to  agreement.  And  he  was 
admitted  tenant  and  did  fealty.  "  ^ 

In  all  such  cases,  the  payment  made  for  entry  is 
described  as  a  '  fine. '  New  tenants  were  from  time 
to  time  admitted  in  open  court  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
to  hold  "  according  to  the  custom  of  the  borough.  " 
They  may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  copyholders,  and 
there  is  specific  mention  of  a  conveyance  by  Sir 
Andrew  Luttrell,  in  1 5  37,  of  "  a  tenement  or  burgage 
in  Dunster  "  to  be  held  for  lives  "  by  copy  of  the 
roll.  "  ^  On  the  other  hand  the  successors  of  the 
original  burgesses  did  not  hold  '  by  copy  of  court 
roll. '  Their  tenure  is  often  described  in  the  rolls  as 
'  socage,  '  of  which  indeed  it  was  only  a  variety. 
A  widow  at  Dunster  could  claim  the  '  capital  mes- 
suage ',  or  principal  house,  of  her  deceased  husband, 
to  hold  '  in  free  bench  '  until  her  remarriage  or  death.  ^ 

There  is  unfortunately  no  written  custumal  defining 
the  exact  relation  of  the  free  burgesses  of  Dunster  to 
their  lord.  It  is,  however,  abundantly  clear  that  he 
was  entitled  to  a  small  pecuniary  sum  upon  every 
transfer  of  a  burgage,  at  any  rate  in  all  cases  when 
the  new  owner  was  not  already  a  burgess.  In  1381, 
this  payment  is  described  as  '  toll  '  (toln)^  but  in  the 
following  century  it  is  usually  styled  '  boroughright ', 
spelt  in  various  ways.  ^  The  writers  of  the  court-rolls 
seem  to  have  been  rather  confused  as  to  the  meaning 
of  the  term,  and,  in  1532,  we  find  it  applied  to  the 
tenure,  instead  of  the  custom  or  the  payment.  ^ 

A  great  number  of  instances  might  be  cited  to  show 
that  the  lord  received  4^.  from  every  burgage  con- 

•  D.C.M.  XI.  2.  See  Bracton. 

2  D.C.M.  XIV.  9.  *  D.C.M.  IX.  5;  X.  2.  3;  xi.  2;  xii.  1-4. 

*  Placita  de    Banco,   348.    m.   320.  *  D.C.M.  xiii.  3. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  289 

veyed  by  one  living  person  to  another.     The  following 
will,  however,  suffice  : — 

1426,  April  22.  "  Burghryght,  14^.  Fealty.  To  this 
[court]  comes  John  Orchard  the  younger  arid  gives  to  the 
lord  of  *  burghryght  '  for  three  burgages  and  a  half  which  he 
acquired  of  John  Frank,  clerk,  to  him  and  Alice  his  wife  and 
heirs  lawfully  begotten  between  them  ;  and  he  did  fealty  to 
the  lord  for  the  same.  "  ^ 

The  charge  on  an  estate  for  life  was  the  same  as 
that  on  an  estate  in  perpetuity.  In  cases  of  transfer 
to  several  persons  jointly,  such  as  feoffees,  the  lord 
sometimes  exacted  /\.d.  from  each  of  the  new  tenants, 
but  the  practice  in  this  respect  seems  to  have  been 
variable.  The  lord  also  got  4^.  from  every  burgage 
on  the  death  of  the  owner. 

1432,  December  22.  "  To  this  [court]  come  John  Blounde- 
helfe  and  Joan  his  wife,  daughter  and  heiress  of  John 
Duke  of  Dunsterre,  deceased,  and  claim  to  hold  of  the  lord 
three  burgages  within  the  borough  there,  to  hold  to  the 
same  John  and  Joan,  their  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever,  whence 
there  accrues  to  the  lord  of  a  certain  custom  of  the  said 
borough  for  the  aforesaid  three  burgages  a  certain  render 
called  '  burghryght, '  that  is  to  say  ^d.  from  every  burgage, 
lid.  And  so  the  same  John  and  Joan  were  admitted 
tenants,  and  did  fealty.  "  * 

1462,  October  24.  "  On  this  day  came  George  Stukeley, 
son  and  heir  of  Richard  Stukeley,  and  did  fealty  to  the 
lord  for  a  burgage  in  Dunster  late  of  the  said  Richard  and 
paid  *  burghryght,  '  that  is  to  say  ^d.  "  ' 

Nevertheless,  the  steward  was  sometimes  content 
to  accept  4f.d.  from  persons  inheriting  "  divers  burg- 
ages "  when  the  number  was  not  exactly  specified. 

In  1503,  and  several  subsequent  years,  the  payment 
made  by  every  new  burgess  on  admission  is  described 
in   the  rolls  as  '  relief,  '  a  term   borrowed   from  the 

>  D.C.M.  XII.  I.  '  D.C.M.  XII.  4. 

»  D.C.M.  XII.  2. 

290  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

feudal  vocabulary.  ^  So  long  as  the  ancient  custom 
of  the  borough  was  maintained,  one  name  was  as 
good  as  another.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth, 
however,  a  new  system  of  assessment  was  established, 
the  amount  of  '  relief  '  being  fixed  at  two  years  '  rent. 
At  a  court  held  on  the  6th  of  October  1522,  it  was 
found  that  no  less  than  five  of  the  free  burgesses  had 
recently  died — John  Wylkyns  who  paid  2s.  yearly. 
Sir  John  Trevelyan  who  paid  y.  6d.,  Thomas  Stoway 
who  paid  ij-.,  John  Lewes  who  paid  is.  6^.  and  John 
Ellisworth  who  paid  31.  4^.  In  each  of  these  cases 
the  relief  due  to  the  lord  was  set  down  at  double  the 
amount  of  the  rent.  ^  How  the  change  was  intro- 
duced the  rolls  do  not  show.  The  lord  must  assur- 
edly have  surrendered  some  ancient  right  or  due  when 
the  fee  on  admission  to  a  freehold  burgage  of  normal 
value  was  thus  suddenly  raised  from  4^.  to  2s. 

A  fresh  oath  of  fealty  seems  to  have  been  required 
from  every  burgess  of  Dunster  on  the  accession  of  a 
new  lord. 

For  some  time  after  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth, 
the  rolls  of  the  borough  court  are  so  irregular  that  it 
is  impossible  to  say  when  the  oath  of  fealty  and  the 
payment  of  'boroughright',  or  '  relief,  on  succession 
ceased  to  be  exacted.  The  following  entry  occurs 
among  the  proceedings  of  a  court  leet  and  court  baron 
held  on  the  i8th  of  October  1735  : — 

"  We  present  a  releifFe  due  to  the  lord  of  this  burrough 
upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Giles  Poyntz  leatly  deceased,  who 
died  seized  of  land  or  burgeges  within  this  burrough,  upon 
whose  death,  by  the  information  of  Mr.  Thomas  Prowse, 
steward  of  this  court,  there  was  due  two  pounds,  four  shil- 
lings, and  fourpence  due  to  the  lord  of  the  said  burrough 
for  such  said  releiife,  which  [is]  not  yet  paid.  " 

1  D.C.M.  XIII.  I.  2  D.C.M.  XIII.  3. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  291 

The  amount  thus  claimed  was  exactly  double  the 
yearly  rent  due  from  Poyntz  for  various  burgages. 

The  amount  of  rent  paid  yearly  at  Martinmas  by 
the  burgesses  of  Dunster  seems  to  have  fluctuated 
slightly  in  the  middle  ages.  The  total  was  9/.  3^.  ^d. 
in  1259  and  1267.  At  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  Edward  the  Fourth,  it  should  have  been  8/.  7J.  5^. 
but,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  political  troubles,  many 
of  the  burgages  were  unoccupied  and  i/.  6j-.  \od. 
could  not  be  collected.  ^  It  was  8/.  9^.  \d.  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  but  it  afterwards  declined 
steadily,  possibly  through  a  decrease  in  the  urban 
population,  possibly  through  purchases  made  by  suc- 
cessive owners  of  the  Castle.  ^  In  1648,  there  is  a 
list  of  "  Heigh  rents  payable  yearlie  at  Saint  Martin's 
daie,  "  amounting  to  only  5/.  1 2s.  5^.  Out  of  this 
the  Crown  was  liable  for  i/.  6j-.  in  respect  of  burgages 
that  had  belonged  to  Cleeve  Abbey  and  to  chantries 
suppressed  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Sixth,  and 
Giles  Poyntz  of  Lower  Marsh  was  liable  for  i  /.  2s.  2d. ' 
By  1746,  the  burgage  rents  had  fallen  further  to 
4/.  3 J.  10^.,  of  which  i/.  2i.  2d.  was  due  from  John 
Poyntz,  and  i6j'.  8^/.  from  the  heirs  of  Sir  Hugh 
Stewkley.  The  date  of  payment  had  also  been  altered 
from  Martinmas  to  Michaelmas.  * 

In  course  of  time,  the  burgage  rents  came  to  be 
regarded  merely  as  payments  for  the  right  of  depas- 
turing nine  ewes  and  a  ram  in  the  Salt  Marsh.  '"  A 
few  persons  more  closely  connected  with  the  manor 
of  Carhampton  were  occasionally  admitted  to  similar 
rights  on  payment  of  a  shilling  a  year.  "^ 

Between  the  years  1760  and  1772,  Henry  Fownes 

'  D.C.M.  I.  27.  *  Survey  by  John  St.  Albyn.  D.C.M. 

*  Bailiffs'    accounts  and    Inq.    post          ^  S^vai^e's  Hundred  of  dirhampton, 

mortem,  passim.  p.  37^- 

»  D.C.M.  III.  12.  "  D.C.M.  III.  12. 

292  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

Luttrell  bought  up  the  rights  pertaining  to  fifty-four 
burgages  out  of  a  total  of  eighty-five  ;  and  his  son's 
purchase  of  the  whole  Stewkley  estate  in  Dunster, 
about  1790,  made  a  further  considerable  reduction  in 
the  number.  As  late  as  18 19,  there  were  a  few  out- 
standing rights  of  pasture  in  the  Salt  Marsh,  but  it 
had  been  altogether  forgotten  that  the  payments  of  a 
shilling  a  year  represented  an  ancient  rent  for  property 
in  the  town  to  which  the  lord  had  a  reversionary 
right  in  certain  contingencies.  The  Salt  Marsh  was 
finally  divided  by  the  Inclosure  Commissioners  in  1 865. 

It  has  been  seen  above  that,  in  the  later  part  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  Sir  John  de  Mohun  had  made 
over  to  the  burgesses  of  Dunster  the  right  of  electing 
the  bailiff  of  the  borough.  In  course  of  time,  how- 
ever, they  ceased  to  act  together  as  a  corporation, 
and  the  right  reverted  to  the  lord. 

In  1 62 1,  Robert  Poore  paid  12/.  for  the  bailiwick 
of  the  borough,  including  the  benefit  of  the  outstand- 
ings, the  weighing  of  yarn  and  wool  and  all  other 
merchandise  brought  to  the  Town-hall  to  be  weighed, 
the  benefit  of  the  two  fairs  on  "  Whitesun  Mundaie 
and  Good  Frydaie,  "  and  "  a  certaine  rent  paid  yerly 
by  the  tanners  betweene  Martyns  daie  and  Christmas 
Eve  called  Larder-silver.  " 

In  1 629,  George  Luttrell  demised  to  Andrew  Worth 
of  Dunster,  yeoman,  his  executors  and  assigns,,  for 
twenty-one  years,  "  all  that  the  office  and  baily  wicke  of 
the  borough  of  Dunster  ...  and  also  the  outstandinges, 
coveridge-money,  and  pitchinge-pence  on  the  fayre 
daies  and  markett  daies....  together  with  the  benefitt 
and  profitt  of  tollage  and  also  of  weighinge  of  yarne 
in  the  New  Hall  and  elsewhere  within  the  borough 
aforesaid,  and  likewise  the  rents,  yssues,  and  profitts  of 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  293 

the  butchers'  standinges  on  Whitson  Monday  yerely, " 
and  all  other  advantages  belonging  to  the  bailiwick, 
reserving  to  himself  and  his  heirs  "  all  instandinges 
and  shoppes  "  and  the  rents  usually  paid  to  him.  He 
also  undertook  to  provide  "  fit,  necessary,  and  sufficient 
boordes,  tressells,  forckes  and  poles  for  the  standinges 
aforesaid,  as  often  as  neede  shall  require.  "  The  yearly 
rent  of  10/.  to  be  paid  by  the  lessee  is  explicitly  stated 
to  be  the  ancient  rent  for  the  bailiwick.  ^ 

In  the  record  of  proceedings  at  the  court  leet  in 
October  1739,  we  find  : — 

"  Samuel  Matthews  was  at  this  court  elected  by  the  lady 
of  the  manor  bailiff  of  the  borough  of  Dunster  during 
pleasure,  and  he  was  then  sworn  to  the  due  execution  of  his 

Later  on  we  find  the  following  : — 

"  Conditions  of  a  survey  held  on  Thursday  the  29th  Sept- 
ember 1763,  at  the  Ship  Inn  in  Dunster  in  the  county  of 
Somerset  for  setting  (sic)  the  Cornhouse,  Markethouse, 
Tubhouse  and  butchers'  shambles  in  Dunster  aforesaid, 
together  with  the  reasonable  use  of  all  the  tubs,  pecks  and 
other  measures,  boards,  trussels,  poles,  beams,  scales  and 
weights  that  now  are  in  or  belong  to  the  Markethouse  and 
market  aforesaid,  and  all  tolls  and  other  advantages,  emolu- 
ments, profits  and  priviledges  of  the  market  and  fair  to  be 
holden  and  kept  in  Dunster  aforesaid  and  which  to  the  clerk 
of  the  market  of  Dunster  aforesaid  do  or  may  belong  and  of 
right  appertain,  except  all  the  inclosed  shops  and  other  rooms 
taken  out  of  the  Markethouse,  for  the  term  of  seven  years." 

This  *  survey  '  was  a  sort  of  auction,  at  which  dif- 
ferent persons  stated  the  yearly  rent  which  they  were 
respectively  wiUing  to  pay,  and  the  bids  rose  from 
47/.  to  60/.  at  which  figure  the  lease  was  granted  to 
George  Gale. 

'  D.C.M.xv.  22.  Of.  however  D.C.M.  xiv.  33,  41. 

294  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

In  documents  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries,  the  profits  of  the  market  of  Dunster  are 
often  associated  with  those  of  the  sea-port.  When 
royal  writs  and  proclamations  were  addressed  to  the 
different  ports  of  the  realm,  there  were  only  two 
places  in  Somerset  to  which  they  were  sent.  Bridge- 
water  and  Dunster.  ^  In  1375,  the  St.  Marie  Cog  of 
Dunster,  a  vessel  of  57  tons,  valued  with  its  cargo  at 
275/.  was  taken  or  destroyed  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Loire.  ^  Soon  after  this,  Minehead  came  into  notice 
as  a  port,  and  it  gradually  supplanted  Dunster.  It 
was  from  Minehead  that  the  Leonard  of  Dunster 
sailed  to  Bordeaux  in  1417.^  In  1 565,  Watchet, 
Dunster  Haven,  and  Porlock  Bay  are  described  as 
places  in  the  precinct  of  Bridgewater  at  which  "smalle 
botes  "  were  wont  to  land  "  salte,  wyne,  vyctualles, 
wood  and  coole.  "  *  There  had  recently  been  trouble 
about  the  second  of  these  places.  According  to  an 
information  filed  by  the  Attorney  General,  the  Port- 
reeve and  burgesses  of  Minehead,  relying  upon  their 
new  charter,  would  not  allow  any  "  ship,  boat,  or 
vessel  "  to  put  into  Dunster  Haven.  To  enforce 
their  prohibition,  they  used,  he  averred,  to  carry  off 
the  sail  of  any  offending  craft,  and  to  imprison  the 
master  and  crew.  They  also  claimed  control  over 
the  sale  of  merchandise  and  victuals  at  the  Haven.  ^ 

Eventually  nature  put  an  end  to  the  maritime 
commerce  of  Dunster.  At  best  its  port  was  no  more 
than  a  creek  at  the  mouth  of  the  little  river,  and  in 
process  of  time  it  got  silted  up  with  alluvial  matter. 
The  course  of  the  river  has  been  changed  so  much  in 

'  Rymer's  Foedera,   vol.  ii.  p.  701  ;  ^  See  above,  page  88. 

vol.   iii.  pp.    125,   460,   495,  500,  728  ;  ''  Exchequer,  K.R.  Special  Commis- 

Calendar  oj  Close  Rolls,  /296-1502,  p.  sions,  1928. 

loi  ;  1337-1339,  p.  379  ;  Calendar  of  ^  Memoranda     Roll,    K.R.     Easter, 

Patent  Rolls,  1390-1401,  p.  487.  3  Eliz.  m.  109. 

'  Chancery  Miscellanea,  bundle  28. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  295 

recent  years  that  the  very  site  of  the  medieval  Haven 
of  Dunster  can  hardly  be  recognised,  but  a  long  pool 
of  fresh  w^ater  near  Sea  Lane  is  still  knov^n  as  '  the 
Hawn.  ' 

Along  a  considerable  part  of  the  coast  of  Somerset 
the  lords  of  Dunster  have  for  centuries  claimed  the 
right  known  as  '  v^reck  of  sea.  '  There  is  mention 
of  '  the  wreck  of  Dunestor '  as  early  as  the  year  1 1 82.  * 
When  a  ship  going  from  Ireland  to  Wales  was 
wrecked  at  Dunster  in  131 1,  the  people  of  the 
country,  presumably  tenants  of  Sir  John  de  Mohun, 
carried  away  the  cargo.  ^  So  again,  in  the  reign  of 
Richard  the  Second,  the  local  agents  of  Lady  de 
Mohun  seized  the  sulphur,  woad,  ginger,  raisins, 
writing-paper,  flax,  sugar,  prunes,  rice,  cinnamon, 
pepper,  and  other  merchandise  of  Ludovico  Gentili 
and  Cosimo  Doria  of  Genoa,  found  in  a  ship  driven  on 
to  the  same  shore.  ^  Numerous  instances  have  been 
adduced,  from  the  court-rolls  and  other  sources,  of  the 
exercise  of  the  right  to  wreck  in  subsequent  centuries, 
the  Luttrells  claiming  it  from  the  Foreland  in  the 
parish  of  Countesbury  to  Shurton  Bars  in  the  parish 
of  Stoke  Courcy,  a  stretch  of  some  thirty-two  miles. 
In  1857,  the  Board  of  Trade  explicitly  admitted  the 
title  of  the  late  John  Fownes  Luttrell  to  unclaimed 
wreck  washed  ashore  between  the  eastern  boundary 
of  the  parish  of  Lillstock  and  the  stream  dividing  the 
counties  of  Devon  and  Somerset,  thus  somewhat  cur- 
tailing the  line.  * 

In   the   absence   of  any    royal   charter  conferring 

I  Pipe  Roll.  Dunster,  the  manors  of  Minehead  and 

^Calendar  o,    Patent    Rolls,    1307-  Carhampton,  the  hundred  of  Carliamp- 

'3'5>  P-  311-  ^°"'  '*"'^'  "^^  manor  of  Kilton,  "  as  if 

*  Rymer's  Fccdera,  vol.  iv.  p.  75.  each    of    these    properties    conferred 

*  Hancock's  Minehead,  pp.  35,  36.  separate  rights  in  this  respect,  and 
The  official  letter  pleonastically  ment-  uses  the  word  '  comprising  '  in  a  mis- 
ions   "  the   honour    and    borough    of  leading  sense. 

296  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  ix. 

privileges  upon  the  early  lords  of  Dunster,  we  might 
suppose  that  they  were  entitled  to  wreck  of  sea  along 
the  whole  coast  of  the  Hundred  of  Carhampton  and 
along  the  coast  of  all  manors  comprised  in  the  Hon- 
our, or  Barony,  of  Dunster.  Shurton,  excluded  by 
the  Board  of  Trade,  would  consequently  have  been  in 
their  jurisdiction.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  obviously 
unlikely  that  they  had  any  established  rights  on  the 
coast  of  such  manors  as  Stoke  Courcy,  Kilve,  or  East 
Quantockshead,  which  were  neither  in  their  Hundred 
nor  in  their  Barony.  A  royal  charter  of  1267  gave 
to  the  Abbot  and  Convent  of  Cleeve  wreck  of  sea 
along  their  own  piece  of  the  coast,  and  it  is  known 
that  the  Walerands  and  the  Fitzpayns  claimed  a  simi- 
lar right  in  their  manor  of  Stoke  Courcy.  ^  The 
cartulary  of  the  Mohun  family,  compiled  by  John 
Osberne  in  1350,  states  explicitly  that  among  the 
privileges  pertaining  to  Dunster  was  that  of  wreck 
along  the  whole  coast  of  the  Hundred  of  Carhampton, 
from  the  water  of  Oare  to  that  of  Sheotemouth  near 
the  Chapel  of  St.  Mary  of  Cleeve. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  successive  lords  of 
the  manorsofMinehead,Dunster,andCarhampton  have 
been  entitled  to  the  foreshore  adjoining.  Their  court- 
rolls  and  accounts  abound  in  references  to  '  staches '  and 
'  weres  '  by  the  sea  as  sources  of  revenue.  It  is  believed 
that  upright  stakes  fixed  on  a  rough  wall  near  low  water 
mark  were  formerly  connected  with  '  freething, '  or 
wattles,  so  as  to  catch  fish  stranded  by  the  reflux  of  the 
tide.  According  to  modern  practice,  moveable  nets 
are  affixed  to  the  stakes  for  the  same  purpose. 

Leland,  writing  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth, 
notes  that  "  the  Moions  hz.d Jura  regalia  at  Dunster."  ^ 

•  Calendar  of  Charter  Rolls,  vol.  ii.       p.  254. 
p.  69  ;  Assize  Roll,  no.  759,  mm.  5,  gd.;  ^  Itinerary  (ed.  1907),  p.  166. 

Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls,   1302-1313, 

CH.  IX.       A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  297 

One  of  these  rights  was  that  of  treasure  trove  through- 
out the  Hundred  of  Carhampton.  Another  was  that 
of  hanging  thieves  caught  with  the  stolen  goods  upon 
them.  Although  this  ceased  to  be  exercised  at  an  early 
period,  the  names  of  Gallockstreet,  Gallocksbridge, 
Gallockswell,  Gallockscross  and  Gallocksdown  have 
survived.  John  Osberne,  writing  in  1350,  mentions 
gallows  called  '  Scamerdon ',  common  to  Dunster  and 
Carhampton.^  There  were  also  gallows  at  Minehead, 
not  far  from  Lower  Hopcot.^  Another  highly  valued 
right  of  the  Mohuns  was  the  '  extract,'  or  *  return,'  of 
writs,  the  sheriff  of  the  county  being  precluded  from 
executing  any  royal  instructions  within  their  privileged 
area  save  through  the  agency  of  their  bailiff.  ^ 

Leland  states  briefly  that  "  the  toun  of  Dunestorre 
makith  cloth.  "  ^  Local  notices  of  this  industry  ex- 
tend over  more  than  five  centuries  of  English  history. 
In  an  elaborate  '  extent  '  of  the  manor  of  Dunster 
made  in  1266,  we  may  observe  the  names  of  Adam 
the  dyer,  Walter  the  webber  ftextorj,  William  the 
fuller,  Alice  the  webber  (textrixj  and  Christina  the 
webber.^  In  1259,  as  again  in  1279,  1330  and  i  376, 
a  fulling-mill  yielded  a  rent  of  1 3^.  4^.  to  the  lord 
of  the  manor.  ^  This  was  presumably  the  building 
described  in  141 1  and  1437  as  "  le  tokyng  mill. "  ^ 

The  business  seems  to  have  increased,  for  in  1376, 
the  reeve  of  Dunster  accounted  for  I2d.  "  of  the  new 
rent  of  WiUiam  Taillour  at  Hocktide  and  Michaelmas 
for  a  fulling-mill  which  the  said  William  has  erected 
over  the  lord's  watercourse.  "  "     In  141  8,  this  mill  is 

>  Mohun  Cartulary.  *  D.C.M.  vili.  4. 

*  D.C.M.  viii.  6  ;  XXXI.  5.  '  D.C.M.  xvii.  2  ;  Inq.  post  mortem, 
»  RotnliHiitulredonim,  vol.  ii.  p.  125;       C.  Edw.  I.  file  22  (i):  Edw.  HI.  file  22 

Pollock  &■  Maitland's  History  of  English      (11)  ;  D.C.M.  ix.  2. 
Law,  vol.  i.  pp.  583,  644.  '  D.C.M.  X.  I  ;  XI.  3. 

*  Itinerary,  p.  166.  »  D.C.M.  ix.  2. 


298  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

described  as  situate  near  '  le  Colverhay.  '  Thomas 
Touker  was  then  paying  the  old  rent  of  i  31.  4^.  for 
a  fulling  mill  '  under  Grobhurst  ;  '  a  third  mill  '  near 
Barlebienshey  (sic)  '  yielded  2s.  ;  and  the  Abbot  of 
Cleeve  had  a  fourth  in  or  near  West  Street.  ^  A  few 
years  later,  only  three  such  mills  are  mentioned,  that 
situate  under  Parlbienshay,  that  rented  by  Thomas 
Touker  at  Frilford  or  Frekeford,  and  that  which 
Thomas  Touker  the  younger  rented  from  the  Abbot 
of  Cleeve.  ^  In  the  reigns  of  Henry  the  Fourth  and 
Fifth,  one  of  the  public  highways  in  Dunster  was 
known  as  '  Toukerstrete.  '  As  it  certainly  adjoined 
some  running  water,  it  may  have  been  the  continuation 
of  West  Street  towards  Frackford.  ^  In  the  later 
part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  Robert  Touker 
paid  yearly  rent  for  a  fulling-mill  newly  built  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Castle,  but  presumably  far  below  it.^ 
In  1467,  an  order  was  made  by  the  borough 
court  : — 

"  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  make  linen  cloth  of 
*  flockys,  *  and  if  it  be  proved  by  anyone  that  then  the  cloth 
so  made  shall  be  forfeited  to  the  lord.  "  ^ 

In  1492,  three  persons  were  amerced  for  polluting 
the  river  between  Dunster  and  Dunster  Hanger  with 
"  le  wodewater,  "  and  an  order  was  made  : — 

"  That  no  dyer  shall  henceforth  put  or  throw  *  le  wode- 
water '  in  the  lord's  stream  (rivulo)  before  eight  o'clock  at 
night,  under  pain  of  /\.od.  every  time. 

In  1494,  there  were  two  presentments  at  the 
court  : — 

"  William  Morgan  has  unlawfully  made  his  cloth  mixed 

1  D.C.M.  XI.  I.     Parlebienshay  was  '^  D.C.M.  x.  3  ;  xi.  2. 

so  called  after  a  man  who  bore  the  ''  D.C.M.  xviii.  4. 

French  nickname  of  '  Parlebien. '  *  D.C.M.  xii.  4. 

»  D.C.M.  xviii.  3,  4. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  299 

with  *  flokkes,  '  to  the  detriment  of  his  neighbours,  and 
contrary  to  the  statute  issued  on  this  behalf.  Therefore  he 
is  amerced  ^od.  " 

"  John  Lechelond  unlawfully  makes  his  cloth  with  'cardes  * 
{i.e.  thistles),  contrary  to  the  statute.  Therefore  he  is 
amerced  3<^. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  traces  of  a  Sabbatarian 
spirit  at  this  period.  At  a  court  held  in  April  1491, 
it  was  ordained  : — 

"  That  no  fuller  shall  henceforth  allow  his  mills  to  make 
cloth  from  the  time  of  evensong  on  Saturday  until  after 
vespers  on  Sunday,  under  pain  of  6j.  8<^.,  whereof  40*^.  to 
the  lord  and  /\.od.  to  the  church.  " 

Two  fullers  were  amerced  in  that  year  for  breach 
of  this  ordinance.  ^ 

Special  arrangements  were  necessary  for  drying  the 
cloth  after  the  process  of  '  fulling, '  or  '  tucking.  '  In 
1459,  a  member  of  the  trade  was  empowered  to  make 
a  '  tentorium^  '  called  "  in  English  '  le  reck  '  "  on  the 
'  Castel  Torre  '  at  Dunster  on  a  strip  of  ground  meas- 
uring 63  feet  by  18.^  In  i486,  there  were  several 
'  tenters,  '  or  racks  *  on  Grobfaste,  '  and  the  bailiff  of 
the  borough  accounted  to  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  for  6^. 
received  from  John  Cok  for  one  tenter  and  for  2s.  bd. 
for  divers  tenters.  In  the  following  year,  he  debited 
himself  with  71.  '  new  rent  '  for  tenters  set  up  '  on 
the  Castle  Tor'  and  'on  Grobfast.  '  ^  In  1529, 
Thomas  Everard  the  younger  paid  rent  to  the  lord  of 
Dunster  for  "  a  clotherack  caulyd  the  myddell  racke 
upon  Grobfast,  with  a  fullyng  myll  caulyd  Frekeford," 
which  has  been  already  mentioned. " 

By  a  will  dated  in  1 57 1 ,  Richard  Worth  of  Dunster 
bequeathed  6/.  i  3^.  \d.  to  the  use  of  young  beginners 

'  D.C.M.  xiii.  I.  ^  D.C.M.  XIII.  2. 

»  D.C.M.  XII.  J.  *  D.C.M.  XIX.  8. 

300  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

exercising  the  art  of  cloth-making  in  the  borough.  ^ 
Later  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  tucking-mill  with 
two  stocks  that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Abbot  of 
Cleeve  was  pulled  down  by  the  grantee,  Colle,  in 
order  to  make  room  for  two  new  grist-mills.  George 
Luttrell,  as  owner  of  the  ancient  manorial  grist-mills, 
retaliated  by  diverting  a  part  of  the  water-course, 
whereupon  Colle  brought  a  suit  against  for  him  break- 
ing the  head-weir  at  Hurlepool.  ^ 

In  1589,  George  Howe  of  Dunster,  clothier,  built 
"  one  tuckinge  or  fullinge  mill  "  of  two  "  stooks  " 
adjoining  the  eastern  end  of  the  "  water  griste  mille," 
situate  "  under  the  Castell  Torre,  on  the  south  parte 
thereof.  "  In  consideration  of  his  expenses,  he  ob- 
tained from  George  Luttrell  a  lease  for  twenty-one 
years  of  the  said  new  mill,  a  close  called  Culvercliffe 
containing  two  acres,  with  a  rack  standing  therein 
'  under  Grobhurst,'  two  "  rackromes  "  standing  on 
the  south-western  part  of  the  Castle  Tor,  and  a  little 
plot  called  the  '  Hopkegarden  '  on  the  western  side  of 
the  common  ryne  adjoining  the  grist-mill,  the  whole 
at  the  nominal  rent  of  26s.  S^.  ^ 

There  is  a  parliamentary  enactment  of  1601  that 

"  Dunster  cotton  hereafter  shalbe  by  this  present  acte 
intended  and  taken  to  be  of  like  length  and  breadth  as 
Taunton  and  Bridgewater  cloth.  "* 

Six  years  later,  there  is  a  further  enactment  : — 

"  That  every  broad  cloth  commonly  called  Tauntons, 
Bridgewaters  and  Dunsters,  made  in  the  western  part  of 
Somersetshire,  or  elsewhere  of  like  making,  shall  contain, 
being  thoroughly  wet,  between  twelve  and  thirteen  yards,  and 
in  breadth  seven  quarters  of  a  yard  at  the  least,  and  being 
well  scoured,  thicked,  milled  and  fully  dried,  shall  weigh 
thirty  pounds  the  cloth  at  least.  "^ 

'  Brown's  Somersetshire  Wills,  vol.  ^  D.C.M.  xiv.  29. 

ii.  p.  81.  •*  St.  43  Eliz.  c.  10. 

2  D.C.M.  XV.  4.  5  St.  4.  Jac.  I.  c.  2. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  301 

It  was  for  the  sale  of  cloth  that  George  Luttrell 
built  the  octagonal  Market-House  which  is  so  pictur- 
esque a  feature  in  the  main  street  of  Dunster. 

In  1655,  there  is  mention  of  a  piece  of  waste  land 
beaten  out  of  the  rock  at  the  lower  end  of  West  Street, 
adjoining  the  mill-stream,  under  a  close  called  '  Racke 
Cloase  '  wherein  stood  divers  fullers'  racks.  Two 
years  later,  Francis  Luttrell  received  35J.  for  the  rent 
of  seven  '  rack  rooms  '  then  in  use,  of  which  five  were 
on  the  Castle  Tor.  By  1670,  the  total  number  of 
rack-rooms  had  risen  to  nine,  but  the  rent  therefrom 
had  fallen  to  30J-. 

In  171 3,  William  Leigh  of  Dunster,  clothier,  took 
a  lease  of  a  messuage  called  '  Frackford,  '  comprising 
a  dwelling-house  and  two  fulling-mills,  with  a  coppice 
called  '  Rack  Close  '  situate  '  under  Goose  Wheekes 
Path,  '  with  the  right  of  setting  up  racks  on  the  side 
of  Grabbist  Hill.  From  1682  to  1760,  the  smaller 
fulling-mill  next  to  the  old  grist-mills  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  hands  of  successive  members  of  the  Hos- 
som  family,  who  latterly  paid  only  6s.  8^.  rent  and  a 
heriot,  or  fine,  of  i  31.  4^.  on  succession.  It  is  described 
as  "  of  no  value  "  in  1746  "  by  reason  of  the  badness 
of  trade.  "  A  tenant  was,  however,  found  for  it  six 
years  later,  and  in  1777  it  was  supposed  to  yield  8/. 
a  year  to  the  owner  of  the  Castle.  The  fullers'  rack 
rents  which  brought  in  3/.  8j.  in  171 9  had  by  1746 
sunk  to  i/,,  there  being  only  five  let  at  4J.  apiece. 
After  1764,  they  disappear  from  the  rental.  Never- 
theless, Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  thought  it  worth 
while,  in  1765,  to  convert  a  grist-mill,  which  he  had 
bought  from  one  Ingram,  into  a  fulling-mill.  This, 
with  a  piece  of  meadow,  yielded  at  first  15/.  a  year, 
but  only  8/.  in  1779.  Ingram  may  have  been  the 
eventual  successor  of  Colle  mentioned  above. 

302  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

Savage,  writing  in  1830  with  regard  to  the  industry 
of  Dunster  in  the  eighteenth  century  says  : — 

"  At  that  time  the  female  inmates  of  farm  houses,  in  this 
and  the  neighbouring  district,  from  the  mistress  to  the  ap- 
prentice maid,  and  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  labourers, 
were  employed,  when  not  occupied  about  their  household 
affairs  or  farms,  in  spinning  their  master's  wool  into  yarn  by 
hand,  which  was  regularly  carried  to  this  market  and  sold  to 
the  clothiers  here,  and  others  who  came  from  Old  Cleeve, 
Williton,  Putsham,  Wiveliscombe,  and  other  places. "  ^ 

The  periodical  courts  of  the  borough  of  Dunster 
are  mentioned  by  the  name  of  the  '  portmote  '  in 
1279,  when  its  pleas  and  perquisites  were  valued  at 
20s J  In  1330,  they  were  valued  at  5//  The  rolls 
of  the  fifteenth  century  show  very  much  larger  profits 
to  the  lord. 

The  two  principal  courts  of  the  year,  '  law-days, ' 
or  courts  leet '  with  view  of  frank-pledge, '  were  that 
of  Hocktide,  about  a  fortnight  after  Easter,  and  that 
of  Michaelmas  term,  usually  held  on  the  Monday  after 
the  feast  of  St.  Luke  (October  18).  The  court  next 
after  either  of  these  was  sometimes  styled  in  Latin 
'  cun'a  comp/eta, '  or  in  English  '  the  fulfilling  day.  ' 
Other  courts  were  held  throughout  the  year  at  intervals 
of  not  less  than  three  weeks.  The  lord's  steward  was 
of  course  the  president  at  all  the  courts  alike.  The 
bailiff  was  also  invariably  present.  A  jury  of  twelve 
freemen  attended  at  the  two  principal  courts  and 
sometimes  at  the  two  courts  that  followed  them.  At 
the  meeting  in  October,  election  was  made  of  the 
officers  of  the  borough,  two  constables  of  the  peace, 
two  bread-weighers  and  two  ale-tasters,  in  the  four- 
teenth century.     To  these  were  added,  in  the  reign 

1  History  of  the  Hundred  of  Carhamp-      22  (i). 
ton,  p.  383.  3  iiji^i  c.  Edw.  ni.  file  22  (ii). 

-  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Edw.  I.,  file 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  303 

of  Henry  the  Fourth,  two  surveyors  of  victuals  or 
keepers  of  the  shambles,  and,  in  the  reign  of  Henry 
the  Eighth,  tv^^o  keepers  of  the  streets. 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  constables  to  '  present,  '  or 
report,  all  breaches  of  the  peace,  with  a  view  to  the 
amercement  of  the  offenders,  and  to  confiscate  any 
weapon  used.  Their  action  was  independent  of  such 
proceedings  as  the  aggrieved  parties  might  take  in 
the  court  against  their  assailants.  Persons  of  all  ranks 
appear  in  the  lists  of  presentments  : — 

1410,  October  23.  "Richard  the  chaplain  of  Lullokes- 
burg  drew  blood  of  Laurence  Scolemayster  with  his  fist, 
contrary  to  the  peace.  " 

141 1,  March  16.  "John  Spere  chaplain  drew  a  knife 
against  John  Loty,  contrary  to  the  peace.  Therefore  he  is 
in  mercy,  6d.  And  John  Loty  drew  a  dagger — forfeited  to 
the  lord — against  John  Spere  chaplain.  Therefore  he  is  in 
mercy,  6d.  "  ^ 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  bread-weighers  to  present 
any  bakers  who  sold  loaves  of  insufficient  size  or  bad 
quality.  The  ale-tasters  used  to  *  present '  brewers  and 
ale-wives  who  tapped  their  barrels  before  the  contents 
had  been  examined,  those  who  refused  to  supply 
samples,  those  who  made  use  of  unauthorised  measures 
and  those  who  sold  beer  in  houses  undistinguished  by 
a  signboard. 

1409,  October.  "  Elizabeth  Jone  who  had  ale  for  sale  in 
a  tavern  refused  it  to  Thomas  Paccehole  and  afterwards  sold 
six  gallons — which  are  forfeited — from  the  same  tavern. 
Therefore  she  is  in  mercy,  12^."^ 

Beer  was  indeed  a  source  of  considerable  profit  to 
the  lords  of  Dunster  in  the  fifteenth  century.  At 
court  after  court,  fines  were  imposed  upon  persons 

1  D.C.M.  X.  3.  *  t»C.M.  X.  3. 

304  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.       ch.  ix. 

'  presented  '  for  having  '  brewed  and  broken  the 
assise.  '  On  one  occasion,  no  less  than  eighty-six 
persons  were  for  this  reason  required  to  pay  6d.  apiece, 
but  it  is  clear  that  they  were  not  regarded  as  moral 
delinquents,  the  bailiff's  presentments  of  them  being 
quite  distinct  from  the  ale-tasters'  presentments  of 
dishonest  publicans.  The  amount  of  the  fines  imposed 
upon  respectable  householders  generally  varied  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  times  on  which  they  had  com- 
mitted a  purely  technical  offence.  ^  In  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Sixth,  these  fines  were  payable  to  the 
Constable  of  the  Castle.  Butchers  were  sometimes 
amerced  for  selling  meat  at  home,  instead  of  bringing 
it  to  market.  They  were  also  liable  to  get  into 
trouble  if  they  removed  the  skins  of  the  slaughtered 
beasts  and  tried  to  sell  them  separately.  The  con- 
sumers on  the  other  hand  were  free  to  recover  some 
of  their  outlay.  So  it  was  that,  in  the  reign  of  Henry 
the  Fourth,  the  steward  of  the  household  of  Sir  Hugh 
Luttrell  used  to  sell  hides,  calf-skins,  and  woolfells, 
after  sending  beef,  veal  and  mutton  into  the  kitchen.  ^ 

1408,  May  8.  "  John  Diere,  a  common  fisherman,  went 
away  with  his  fish,  in  prejudice  of  the  town  and  contrary  to 
the  custom  of  the  borough.     Therefore  he  is  in  mercy,  4^. " 

1424,  October  23.  "  Walter  Phelp,  Walter  Stone,  Philip 
Cras,  John  Oldley,  tenants  of  the  lord,  sold  their  fish  to 
strangers  before  offering  {protuP)  it  in  the  lord's  court  at  the 
Castle,  contrary  to  the  ancient  ordinance.  Therefore  they 
are  in  mercy,  6d.  ^d.  6d.  3<^.  " 

The  jury  usually  endorsed  the  presentments  made 
by  the  elected  officers  of  the  borough.  In  a  few  in- 
stances they  disagreed  with  the  constables  with  regard 
to  assaults.  The  supplementary  presentments  made 
by   them,  are   far  more  varied  and  interesting  than 

•  D.C.M.  XII.  1-4.  2  D.C.M.  XXXVII.  7. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  305 

those  made  by  the  officers.  The  commonest  offisnces, 
reported  time  after  time,  were  the  laying  of  dung  in 
the  streets,  the  obstruction  of  gutters,  and  the  pollution 
of  streams.  Then  again  the  principal  burgesses,  from 
the  Benedictine  Prior  downwards,  were  frequently 
amerced  for  allowing  their  pigs  to  roam  at  large  in 
the  town,  although  it  might  have  been  argued  that 
there  were  no  better  scavengers.  Some  topographical 
information  is  to  be  gleaned  from  precepts  to  particular 
persons  to  repair  specified  roads  and  bridges.  The 
jury  were  always  severe  against  persons  who  tried  to 
carry  on  more  than  one  trade,  against  'forestallers'  who 
intercepted  provisions  on  the  way  to  the  market,  and 
'  regraters  '  who  bought  wholesale  in  the  morning 
with  a  view  to  selling  later  in  the  day  at  an  enhanced 
price.  The  ordinary  buyer  was  to  be  protected  against 
speculators  of  all  sorts. 

In  imposing  penalties  on  individuals,  the  jury  was 
often  satisfied  to  rely  upon  common  report,  without 
requiring  evidence  of  the  commission  of  a  specific 
offence.  Thus  a  petty  pilferer,  or  '  holcrop  ',  might 
be  amerced  upon  general  grounds. ' 

1408,  May.  "  Ellen  Watkyns  is  a  common  *  holcroppe ' 
of  divers  things  and  a  common  scold  and  disturber  of  the 
peace.  Therefore  she  is  in  mercy,  4^....  Geoffrey  Taillour 
is  a  common  night-walker  and  disturber  of  the  peace.  There- 
fore he  is  in  mercy,  half  a  mark.  " ' 

1443,  April  8.  "John  [Towker,  '  coryser, '  servant  of 
William  Bedewyn]  is  a  common  spy  or  listener  at  the 
windows  of  the  neighbours,  and  likewise  a  common  night- 
walker  and  eavesdropper  {lucultator).  Therefore  he  is  in 
mercy,  y.  \d.  "  ' 

1493,  August  5.  "  Order  John  Huyshe  and  Jerard 
Goldesmyth  that  henceforth  they  do  not  allow  their  wives 

'  The  obscure  word  '  holcrop '  occurs      hampton. 
also  in  the  court  rolls  of  the  manor  of  *  D.C.M.  x.  3. 

Minehead,  and  of  the  hundred  of  Car-  *  D.C.M.  xii.  3. 

3o6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

to  quarrel  or  to  use  opprobrious  or  scandalous  words  against 
their  neighbours  or  them  {seipsos)^  under  pain  of  either  of 
them  delinquent  in  the  matter  oiios.  to  be  paid  to  the  lord."  ^ 

From  time  to  time  the  constables  were  directed  by 
the  court  to  eject  notorious  scolds  from  the  borough. 
On  rarer  occasions  the  court  displayed  solicitude 
as  to  the  private  morals  of  individual  householders. 
Under  an  ancient  regulation,  no  burgess  w^as  allowed 
to  entertain  a  stranger  for  more  than  three  days  and 
three  nights  without  reporting  him  to  the  constables. 
On  the  other  hand  two  men  were  amerced  i^d.  apiece, 
in  141  2,  for  refusing  to  receive  certain  pilgrims. 

Men  were  liable  to  amercement  if  they  refused  to 
serve  as  watchmen  at  the  time  of  the  Midsummer 
bonfires.  In  the  autumn,  labourers  were  often  fined  3^. 
apiece  for  going  away  '  eastward  ',  with  a  view  to 
getting  higher  wages  as  harvesters  than  they  could  get 
at  Dunster. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the 
court  made  various  ordinances  for  the  good  govern- 
ment of  the  borough,  some  of  which  may  be  quoted 
here  :  — 

1467,  April  20.  "  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  put 
dung,  straw,  or  other  nuisances  in  the  water  running  to  the 
lord's  mills  at  any  time  of  the  week,  save  after  (^citra)  one 
o'clock  after  noon  on  Saturday  ;  and  that  the  whole  '  flode- 
yate '  standing  in  the  same  water  shall  be  open  by  {ergo)  the 
aforesaid  hour  ;  under  pain  of  all  those  who  can  be  found 
in  default  of  (id.  to  be  paid  to  the  lord.  "  ^ 

1489,  May  II.  "  That  nobody  dwelling  beside  the  lord's 
water  between  the  tenement  of  William  Symes  and  the  lord's 
mill  shall  throw  any  dirt  or  straw  into  the  water  there  during 
the  week,  save  on  Sunday  after  two  o'clock  after  noon,  under 
pain  of  every  one  delinquent  therein  of  iid.  every  time.  " 

1490.  October  22.     "  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  throw 

'  D.C.M.  XIII.  I.  2  D.C.M.  XII.  3. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  307 

any  dirt  into  the  water  running  to  the  lord's  mill,  save  only 
on  Saturday  after  twelve  o'clock,  under  pain  of  ^od. " 

1496,  October  24.  "  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  put 
or  throw  any  dirt  or  dung  in  the  water  running  to  the  lord's 
mills  save  only  on  Saturday  at  the  second  hour  after  dinner, 
under  pain  of  3^.  as  often  as  anyone  shall  happen  to  be 
found  in  default  herein. 

i486,  April  17.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  put  or 
throw  any  ashes  with  fire  on  any  '  donghill '  within  the  town, 
under  pain  of  ^od.  " 

1493,  October  21.  "That  nobody  in  the  borough  shall 
henceforth  make  a  fire  outside  the  chimney,  in  any  house 
covered  with  thatch  {stramine)^  under  pain  of  10s.  " 

1488,  April  29.  "  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  winnow 
{yentulai)  his  grain  in  '  le  Castell  Bayly  '  and  at  '  le  Barrys  ' 
unless  he  forthwith  remove  the  chaff  arising  therefrom, 
under  pain  of  everyone  delinquent  therein  oi  iid  every 
time.  " 

i486,  April  17.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  break 
the  palings  of  the  lord's  park  or  carry  them  away,  or  have 
any  gates  or  footpaths  in  the  lord's  park,  without  licence, 
save  the  parker  of  the  same,  under  pain  oi  \od. 

1489,  October  22.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  sell 
any  loads  of  furze  called  '  trusses  '  beyond  i\d.  under  pain 
of  \id.  of  the  seller  and  the  buyer  alike.  " 

1 49 1,  April  25,  "That  nobody  resident  {manens)  in  the 
borough,  who  is  not  a  burgess,  shall  henceforth  cut  or  dig 
heath  on  Crowdon  for  sale,  but  only  for  his  own  use,  under 
pain  of  \od ;  and  that  no  stranger  resident  without  the 
borough  shall  henceforth  cut  or  dig  heath  or  turf  on  Crow- 
don, unless  he  be  hired  by  burgesses  of  the  aforesaid  borough, 
under  pain  of  6j.  %d. 

1489,  October  22.  "  That  nobody  of  the  country  {patrie) 
shall  henceforth  buy  any  grain  in  the  market  before  ten 
o'clock,  under  pain  of  40^. 

1496,  October  24.  "  That  no  baker  in  the  borough  shall 
henceforth  buy  grain  in  the  market,  or  go  into  the  market 
to  buy  any  grain  therein  before  eleven  o'clock,  under  pain 
of  6s.  Sd.  one  half  to  be  paid  to  the  lord  and  the  other  half 
to  the  church. " 

3o8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

1489,  October  22.  "  That  nobody  shall  henceforth  keep 
in  his   service  any  Irish   servants,  save   one,  under   pain   of 

lOJ.  " 

1492,  May.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  keep  grey- 
hounds (Jeporarios  sive  leporarias)  in  the  borough  unless  he 
can  spend  40J.  of  yearly  income  (redditus)  under  pain  of 
6s.  %d. "  ^ 

1472,  October  19.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  use 
or  carry  swords,  lances,  '  gleyves, '  or  other  defensible  and 
unlawful  arms,  contrary  to  the  statute  of  our  lord  the  king 
provided  in  this  respect,  under  pain  of  forfeiture  of  the  same 
and  6j.  %d.  for  every  offence  of  this  sort,  to  be  paid  to  the 
lord  as  often  as  discovery  shall  be  made.  " 

"  And  it  is  ordained  likewise  by  the  court,  with  the  assent 
of  the  twelve  jurors  and  the  other  officers  (aforesaid)  that 
no  man  shall  henceforth  shoot  with  his  bows  {arquis)  and 
arrows  in  the  churchyard  of  Dunster,  or  unlawfully  practice 
games  there,  under  pain  of  \od. 

"  And  it  is  ordained  likewise  by  the  court,  with  the  assent 
of  the  twelve  jurors  (aforesaid)  that  nobody  in  the  borough 
shall  henceforth  play  at  dice  or  cards  {cardos)^  under  pain  of 
every  one  who  shall  be  found  in  default  thus  of  6j.  8^.  And 
that  nobody  shall  allow  games  of  this  sort  to  be  practised  in 
his  house,  save  during  twelve  days  at  Christmas,  under  pain 
of  los.  "  ' 

1 49 1,  October  24.  "That  nobody  shall  henceforth  play 
at  dice  or  cards  in  the  borough,  save  only  during  ten  days 
at  Christmas,  under  pain  of  every  one  who  shall  so  play 
of  40^.  every  time,  and  of  every  one  of  those  who  shall 
allow  such  games  in  their  houses  of  6s.  %d.  "  ^ 

In  the  interest  of  the  lord,  the  court  of  the  borough 
of  Dunster  occasionally  reported  on  treasure  trove,  on 
felons'  goods,  and  other  accidental  sources  of  profit. 
As  between  individuals,  it  heard  pleas  of  assault,  tres- 
pass,  debt,   detinue,   breach   of  covenant,  and  other 

'  D.C.M.  XIII.  I.  This  local  ordinance  mentonim,  vol.  iii.  p.  273;  vol.  iv.  p.  122. 
was  a  belated  echo  of  a  statute  of  1389  ^  D.C.M.  xii.  4. 

which  was  confirmed  in  1419.  St.  13.  ■'  D.C.M.  xiii.  i. 

Ric.  H.  no.  I.  cap.  13  ;  Rotuli  Parlia- 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  309 

matters.  The  rolls,  however,  give  very  little  inform- 
ation about  private  suits,  beyond  the  mere  names  of 
the  parties.  It  seems  clear  that  they  were  kept  mainly 
to  record  the  fees  and  the  amercements  accruing  to 
the  lord. 

When  John  Luttrell  succeeded  his  father.  Sir  Hugh, 
in  1430,  the  bailiff  was  ordered  to  distrain  the  Abbot 
of  Cleeve  and  many  other  freeholders  to  do  fealty  to 
him  at  the  next  court.  ^  Suitors  who  did  not  attend 
were  liable  to  a  fine  of  3^.  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
but  the  more  substantial  of  them  found  it  preferable 
to  compound  for  their  absence  for  a  twelvemonth  by 
a  single  payment  of  4^.  6^.  or  is.  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. In  1 5 17,  Sir  John  Trevelyan  went  to 
the  trouble  of  obtaining  a  writ  '  of  provision  '  from 
Westminster,  directing  the  '  bailiffs '  of  the  borough 
of  Dunster  to  admit  his  attorney,  the  '  common 
council  '  of  the  realm  having  provided  that  every 
free  man  owing  suit  to  the  court  of  a  superior  lord 
might  appoint  another  person  to  appear  in  his  stead.  ^ 
This  did  not  tend  to  raise  the  credit  of  the  borough 
court  in  local  estimation. 

For  more  than  a  century  after  the  reign  of  Henry 
the  Eighth,  the  records  of  this  court  are  very  scanty, 
but  there  are  brief  notes  of  pleas  of  debt  heard  therein 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  The  staff  of  officers  elected 
annually  seems  to  have  been  increased,  about  161 6, 
by  the  appointment  of  two  searchers  and  sealers  of 
leather.  ^  In  1 6 1 7  and  the  following  year,  the  deputy 
of  the  Clerk  of  the  Market  of  the  King's  Household 
attempted  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  the  constables 
of  the  borough,  but  George  Luttrell  applied  to  the 
Exchequer  for  redress,  contending  with  truth  that  he 

'  D.C.M.  XII.  2.  to  be  to  the  Statute  of  Meiton  of  1236. 

»  D.C.M.  xiu.  3.  The  reference  seems  ''  D.C.M.  Iii.  13. 

3IO  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

and  his  ancestors,  lords  of  Dunster,  had  been  used 
"  to  keepe  courtes  leete  "  there  twice  a  year  from 
time  out  of  mind.  ^ 

By  the  time  of  Charles  the  Second,  the  borough 
court  had  lost  much  of  its  ancient  authority,  and  its 
meetings  had  become  reduced  to  two  in  the  year,  one 
in  Easter  term  and  the  other  in  Michaelmas  term, 
survivals  of  the  '  lawdays  '  of  the  middle  ages.  Suc- 
cessive stewards  seem  to  have  introduced  various 
changes  of  name  and  practice.  In  1682,  the  amerce- 
ments for  non-attendance  were  bd.  apiece  for  free 
suitors  and  3^.  for  other  '  resiants,  '  or  residents, 
within  the  borough.  '  The  lord's  tenants,  '  that  is 
to  say  lease-holders,  were  afterwards  subjected  to  a 
fine  of  1J-.  apiece  for  similar  default.  In  1732,  there 
is  mention  of  "  the  jury  at  a  court  leet  and  court 
baron  held  for  the  borough,  "  and  seven  years  later  a 
nominal  distinction  was  established  between  the  court 
leet  for  the  borough  and  the  court  baron  of  the  manor, 
the  former  having  a  '  jury  '  of  twelve  men  and  the 
latter  a  '  homage  '  of  four  or  five,  not  always  capable 
of  signing  their  own  names.  Both  were,  however, 
summoned  for  the  same  day  and  place.  The  court 
in  Easter  term  was  discontinued  in  1762. 

The  records  of  the  borough  court  in  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries  afford  some  scraps  of  topo- 
graphical information,  but  are  otherwise  rather  mono- 
tonous. The  bread-weighers,  as  of  old,  used  to  'present' 
bakers  who  sold  loaves  below  the  prescribed  standard. 
The  clerks  of  the  market  were  also  watchful  over 
weights  and  measures.  The  ale-tasters  used  to  demand 
from  the  different  publicans  a  sample  quart  of  beer, 
or  a  penny,  "  according  to  the  custom  of  the  manor.  " 
The  street-keepers  had  frequent  occasion  to  complain 

'  Exchequer  Decrees  and  Orders,  Series  H,  vol.  28,  f.  105. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  311 

of  persons  who  laid  dung  on  the  public  thoroughfares, 
or  washed  sheepskins  in  "  the  Dunster  river.  "  For 
their  guidance  an  order  was  made  in  1 7 1 2  as  follows: — 

"  That  the  street-keepers  shall  not  exact  or  receive  more 
then  one  penny  for  one  pig,  and  proportionably  for  any 
number  they  shall  take  up  within  the  burrough,  besides  the 
duty  to  the  bayliff  for  the  pound.  " 

Sometimes  the  elected  officers  were  themselves 
charged  with  neglect  of  their  respective  duties.  Nor 
was  the  lord  of  the  manor  always  immune.  Formal 
presentments  were  occasionally  made  that  he  had 
failed  to  keep  the  pavement  of  Market  Street  in 
proper  condition,  and  that  he  had  not  repaired  the 
stocks,  the  pillory  and  the  cucking-stool,  "  instrum- 
ents of  justice.  "  On  the  other  hand  the  court  was 
Jealous  of  his  rights  and  would  not  suffer  encroachment 
on  his  waste  by  the  erection  of  '  leaping-stocks  '  or 
otherwise.  In  17 14,  several  persons  were  presented 
for  erecting  porches  in  the  street  beyond  the  line  of 
their  pent-houses,  and  for  setting  up  sign-posts  before 
their  respective  doors. 

In  the  nineteenth  century,  the  court  leet  and  the 
court  baron  sat  together,  once  a  year.  The  chief 
business  of  the  former  was  to  impose  fines  of  \d. 
apiece  on  all  male  residents  in  Dunster  between  the 
ages  of  fourteen  and  seventy  who  had  failed  to  appear. 
In  point  of  fact  the  collector  was  usually  satisfied  if 
he  could  levy  \d.  to  maintain  the  principle  that  suit 
was  due.  The  court  baron  affected  to  impose  fines  of 
IS.  6d.  on  freeholders  and  is.  on  leaseholders  who  did 
not  attend.  The  same  persons  often  served  on  the  jury 
and  on  the  homage.  After  transacting  a  minimum  of 
purely  formal  business  in  the  Town-hall,  the  members 
used  to  adjourn  to  the  Luttrell  Arms  Hotels  to  be 
regaled  at  the  cost  of  the  lord  of  the  manor.     The 

312  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

courts,  having  long  ceased  to  be  of  any  use  whatever, 
were  discontinued  in  1891. 

The  periodical  courts  of  the  borough  were,  in  the 
middle  ages,  quite  distinct  from  those  of  the  manor. 
The  reeve  of  Dunster,  the  acting  chief  of  the  agricult- 
ural community  was,  in  1 1 83,  fined  for  exporting  corn 
from  the  realm.  ^  In  the  various  court-rolls,  accounts, 
and  '  extents  '  of  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fif- 
teenth centuries  that  have  been  preserved  at  the  Public 
Record  Office  and  in  the  muniment-room  at  the 
Castle,  there  seems  at  first  sight  to  be  a  serious  con- 
fusion between  the  manors  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton. 
Considering  that  many  manors  had  outlying  members, 
the  mere  facts  that  Gillcotts  at  the  eastern  end  of 
Carhampton  is  at  one  time  reckoned  as  part  of  Dun- 
ster, while  at  another  time  Carhampton  is  made  to 
include  Conigar,  in  the  very  heart  of  Dunster,  would 
not  of  themselves  present  any  difficulty,  if  the  docu- 
ments did  not  appear  to  contradict  each  other  on 
points  of  greater  importance,  such  as  the  situation  of 
the  mills.  The  explanation  is,  however,  very  simple. 
For  agricultural  and  economic  purposes,  there  was  no 
distinction  between  Carhampton  and  that  part  of 
Dunster  which  lay  without  the  borough. 

"The  delimitation  of  one  manor  from  other  manors  of 
the  same  lord  seems  to  be  a  matter  of  convenience  :  one  may 
become  two,  two  may  become  one,  as  the  lord  chooses  to 
have  his  accounts  kept,  his  rents  collected,  his  produce 
garnered  in  this  way  or  in  that.  "  ^ 

The  manors  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton  were  for 
centuries  administered  as  one  estate,  the  reeve  taking 
his  title  sometimes  from  one  place,  sometimes  from 
the  other.     Whenever  there  is  a  reeve's  account  for 

'  Pipe  Roll.  English  Law,  vol.  i.  p.  604. 

2   Pollock   &   Maitland's  History  of 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  313 

one,  there  is  none  for  the  other,  the  two  series  of 
accounts  being  in  fact  a  single  series,  through  which 
certain  yearly  receipts  and  payments  can  be  traced 
continuously.  ^ 

In  the  reign  of  Richard  the  Second,  the  courts  of 
the  combined  manors  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton 
used  to  be  attended  by  the  tithingmen  of  Carhampton 
and  Rodhuish,  the  woodwards  of  Langcombe  and 
Langridge,  the  parker  of  Marshwood  and  the  gardener 
of  Lady  de  Mohun. 

The  rural  population  of  the  combined  manors  of 
Dunster  and  Carhampton  comprised  two  classes  of 
tenants,  the  freeholders,  and  those  who  held  upon 
servile  conditions.  The  former  are  in  1266  styled 
"  tenants  by  charter.  "  Some  of  them  paid  rents  in 
money  quarterly,  some  half-yearly,  and  some  at 
Michaelmas  only.  There  were  also  various  rents 
payable  in  kind,  such  as  capons,  wax,  and  pepper. 
Almost  all  the  freeholders  owed  suit  of  court  twice  a 
year  at  Hocktide  (soon  after  Easter)  and  Michaelmas. 

The  quarterly  rents  paid  by  the  customary  tenants 
or  villeins  amounted  to  more  than  those  paid  by  the 
freeholders.  Certain  sums  were  also  levied  from  them 
at  Michaelmas  under  the  name  of  '  larder-silver.  ' 
The  value  of  the  work  which  different  persons  had 
to  do  for  the  lord  was  approximately  equal  to  their 
rent.  Among  the  services  enumerated  in  1266  are 
ploughing  in  winter,  harrowing,  weeding,  sowing  in 
Lent,  mowing,  spreading  and  carrying  hay,  making 
the  hay-rick,  reaping  wheat,  barley  and  oats,  cleansing 
the  weir  on  the  river,  digging  in  the  vineyard,  and 
gathering  withies  for  hurdles.  One  tenant  was  bound 
to  provide  a  man,  horse  and  wagon,  when  necessary, 

'  Prynne  increased  the  difficulty  of      reeve  of    Dunster   with   those  of  the 
search  by  mixing  the  accounts  of  the      bailiff  of  the  boroufh. 

314  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

to  go  as  far  as  Bridgewater  in  one  direction,  or  the 
border  of  the  county  on  the  road  to  Exeter  in  another. 
Philip  the  Carter  was  similarly  bound  to  deliver  writs 
issued  in  the  lord's  name.  In  consideration  of  the 
rent  and  services  minutely  specified,  each  of  the 
peasants  had  his  own  piece  of  land.  All  their  holdings 
were  small.  Wymarca  of  Marshwood  held  half  a 
virgate  of  land,  which  in  this  district  meant  twenty- 
four  acres.  ^  Eleven  others  held  a  ferling,  that  is  to 
say  twelve  acres,  apiece.  Sixteen  others  held  six  acres 
apiece,  and  there  were  some  who  held  even  less. 
The  '  extent  '  unfortunately  says  nothing  as  to  the 
length  of  tenure  enjoyed  by  these  different  persons, 
or  as  to  the  profits  accruing  to  the  lord  upon  the 
death  of  any  of  them.  ^ 

Those  of  the  peasants  who  had  to  devote  an  ex- 
ceptional amount  of  time  and  labour  to  the  service  of 
the  lord  had  some  special  exemptions  and  privileges. 

"  Whosoever  shall  be  reeve  of  Dunsterre  shall  be  quit 
of  rent  and  all  his  other  services,  and  shall  have  food  (escul- 
enta)  in  the  Castle  when  the  lord  and  lady  are  staying  there. 
And  he  shall  have  throughout  the  year  at  the  cost  of  the 
lord  a  mare  of  his  without  provender  (unani  equam  suam 
sine  prebend' ). 

"  Whosoever  shall  be  hayward  (messor)  shall  be  quit  of 
rent  and  of  service,  and  shall  have  a  virgate  of  meadow  in 
Karemor,  and  a  moiety  of  a  *  logge  '  there  beside  the  hay- 
rick, containing  seven  feet  in  length  and  seven  feet  in 
breadth,  to  guard  the  lord's  meadow  covered  with  hay  ;  and 
he  shall  have  a  *  stathel  '  of  the  said  rick  of  the  depth  of 
about  a  foot.  And  he  shall  have  *  landweyes  '  everywhere 
except  in  Prestelonde  where  the  lord  cannot  plough  ;  and  at 
every  boonwork  of  August  a  sheaf  and  [the  like]  at  every 

Mn   an   '  extent  '  of  the  adjoining  ^  In  the  '  extent '  mentioned  in  the 

manor  of  Minehead  made  in  1300,  it  is  previous  note  there  is  a  statement  that 

specifically  stated  that  half  a   virgate  "  if  the  lord  shall  wish  to  have  a  keeper 

contained  twenty-four  acres,  and  that  a  of  the  water  of  La  Waterlete,  he  (the 

ferling  contained  twelve  acres.  D.C.M.  keeper)  shall  have  a  '  slabb '  of  iron  to 

XXVI.  2.  make  his  spade  (bcscam). " 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  315 

boonwork  for  carrying  the  lord's  corn.  And  it  is  worth 
3J.  8^.  And  he  has  in  La  Waterlete  a  cow  quit  of  herbage. 
And  it  is  worth  Gd. 

"  Whosoever  shall  be  bedel  shall  be  quit  of  rent  and 
service  and  shall  have  a  virgate  in  Karamor  and  a  cow  there 
and  a  moiety  of  the  said  '  logge,  '  and  a  sheaf  as  above,  and 
his  dinner. 

"  Whosoever  shall  be  keeper  of  La  Waterlete  shall  be 
quit  of  rent  and  service  and  shall  have  a  cow  in  La  Water- 
lete and  a  '  slab  '  of  iron  for  the  repair  of  his  spade  (bescam) 
of  the  price  of  i^d.  and  dinner  as  above. 

"  The  carpenter  shall  make  four  ploughs  (faciei  iiij  carucas 
et  exallar )  with  all  the  gear  (atillo),  a  cart  (carettam)  for 
dung  (fynia)^  and  four  wagons  and  all  reins,  and  the  outer 
gate  of  the  Barton,  and  he  shall  be  quit  of  rent  and  service, 
and  shall  have  a  virgate  in  Karamor  and  a  cow  in  Waterlete 
and  dinner  as  above. 

"  Whosoever  shall  be  a  ploughman  (carucarius)  shall  be 
quit  of  rent  and  service  and  [shall  have  the  use  of  the 
plough]  the  second  Saturday  throughout  the  year.  "  ^ 

In  an  account  of  the  reeve  of  Dunster  and  Car- 
hampton  for  1259,  he  credits  himself  in  the  first 
instance  : — 

"  In  the  allowance  of  works  for  a  year  for  the  reeve,  the 
bedel  of  Karempton,  the  carpenter,  the  hayward  {haywardo\ 
six  ploughmen,  and  the  keeper  of  the  water,  23J.  " 

Inasmuch  as  he  does  not  debit  himself  with  any 
pecuniary  receipts  for  '  works '  sold  or  commuted,  it 
would  appear  that  at  this  date  the  lord's  demesne  was 
actually  cultivated  by  the  villeins,  his  customary 
tenants.  Their  obligatory  services  were,  however, 
insufficient  for  the  purpose,  and  the  reeve  had  to 
employ  some  men  on  task-work  {ad  tascham)^  for 
which  they  were  duly  paid.  The  rental  of  Carhamp- 
ton,  which  included  the  agricultural  part  of  Dunster, 

•  D.C.M.  viii.  4  ;  Ciistutuals  of  Bailie  Abbiy  (ed.  Bird),  p.  66. 

3i6  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

was  then  14/.  los.  lo^d.  in  money,  besides  rents  in 
capons,  fowls,  pepper  and  wax.  ^ 

Twenty  years  later,  the  pecuniary  rents  are  carefully 
divided — 5/.  1 3/.  lod.  from  free  men  and  1 1/.  6j-.  9^^. 
from  villeins,  whose  customary  works  were  valued  at 
a  further  sum  oi  ill.  lis.  ^\d. 

The  lord's  demesne  then  comprised  various  woods 
and  pastures  and  493  acres  of  land,  varying  in  value 
from  i\d.  to  6d.^  An  inquisition  of  1330  states  that 
I  GO  acres  of  arable  land  there  were  worth  /\.d.  apiece, 
and  that  300  other  acres  were  worth  6d.  while  58^ 
acres  of  meadow  were  worth  as  much  as  2s.  6d.  apiece. 
The  '  works  '  of  the  customary  tenants  were  then 
valued  at  10/.  5/.  /\.d.  ^  There  are  no  accounts  extant 
to  show  how  much  of  the  agricultural  work  on  the 
demesne  was  actually  done  by  the  villeins  in  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  It  is,  however,  tolerably 
certain  that,  as  money  decreased  in  value,  they  availed 
themselves  more  and  more  of  the  right  of  commuting 
their  personal  services  for  pecuniary  payments  upon 
a  scale  fixed  long  before.  In  course  of  time,  more- 
over, many  of  them  surrendered  their  holdings  and 
took  them  back  upon  new  conditions,  to  be  held 
'  according  to  the  custom  of  the  manor  '  and  '  by  copy 
of  court-roll.  '  * 

Several  incidental  mentions  of  the  Barton,  or  home- 
farm,  of  the  medieval  lords  of  Dunster  show  that  it 
stood  under  the  shadow  of  the  Tor  near  the  Barn- 
bridge  over  the  river,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the 
grist-mills.  A  gate  led  thence  into  the  Hanger  Park.  ^ 
There  was  also  a  court  and  grange  at  Marsh  belonging 
to  the  Castle.  "^     In  many  manors,  such  as  Minehead, 

1  D.C.M.  XVII.  2.  *  D.C.M.  XVIII.  5,  6. 

-  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Edw.  I.  file  '"  D.C.M.  xi.  3. 

22  (i).  *  D.C.M.  xviii.  2. 
3  Ibid.  C.  Edw.  III.  iile  22  (11). 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  317 

small  pieces  of  the  demesne  were  intermingled  with 
plots  of  land  belonging  to  different  tenants.  In  Duns- 
ter  and  Carhampton,  however,  most  of  the  demesne 
consisted  of  large  fields  enclosed  by  hedges.  One 
outlying  piece  of  pasture  called  '  Kingsallers '  recalls 
by  its  name  the  fact  that  Carhampton  had  belonged 
to  William  the  Conqueror  and  to  King  Edward  before 
him.  Another  piece  of  the  demesne  was  known  as 
'  Old  Court. '  The  Waterlete  already  mentioned  lay 
to  the  north-east  of  the  town  and  was  divided  into 
three  fields,  Chapelwaterlete,  comprising  about  96 
acres  near  Giltchapel,  Chiselwaterlete,  nearer  to  the 
sea,  and  Marshwaterlete,  near  Marsh,  each  of  these 
two  comprising  about  69  acres.  All  three  were  well 
irrigated  and  very  fertile.  These,  with  perhaps  some 
others,  were  known  for  centuries  as  '  the  lord's  fields. ' 
The  common  fields,  divided  into  strips,  were  mostly 
on  the  north  side  of  Grabbist. 

In  the  later  part  of  the  fourteenth  century,  Lady 
de  Mohun,  having  left  Dunster  and  closed  the  Castle, 
virtually  ceased  to  maintain  the  farm  there.  The 
demesne  was  let  in  sections,  and  the  rent  therefrom 
was  sent  to  her  in  London  or  in  Kent.  Under  these 
circumstances,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  maintain 
an  effisctive  claim  upon  the  services  of  villeins.  By 
I  377,  the  number  of  '  autumn  works  '  in  this  manor 
had,  through  various  causes,  fallen  to  forty-nine  and  a 
half,  which  were  '  sold,  '  or  commuted,  for  zd.  apiece. 
Most  of  these  were  practically  remitted  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  when  the  Waterletes  were  let  "  to  divers 
tenants,  "  probably  some  of  the  very  persons  who 
were  liable  for  their  cultivation.  Under  the  system 
then  introduced,  the  owner  of  the  Castle  got  2j.  6^. 
from  every  acre  sown  in  the  spring  and  reaped  in  the 
summer,  with   something  additional    for  the  right  of 

3i8  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

turning  beasts  on  to  the  land  in  autumn  and  winter. 
Each  of  these  three  great  fields  was  in  turn  allowed 
to  lie  fallow  for  a  year.  ^ 

Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  did  not  materially  alter  the 
agricultural  arrangements  which  he  found  in  force 
when  he  obtained  the  Mohun  estate.  Maintaining 
a  home-farm  at  East  Quantockshead,  he  made  no 
attempt  to  grow  cereals  on  the  demesne  at  Dunster, 
or  to  keep  cattle  or  sheep  there.  Hay  was,  however, 
necessary  for  his  horses,  and  so  he  took  some  of  the 
meadows  into  his  own  hands.  He  also  resumed  pos- 
session of  various  pieces  of  the  demesne  adjoining  the 
Hanger  Park,  for  the  enlargement  of  it  and  for  the 
use  of  his  household.  In  his  time,  certain  tenants  at 
Broadwood  paid  2s.  ()d.  year  after  year  for  '  autumn 
works  '  commuted  into  money.  ^  Occasional  services 
known  as  '  boonworks  '  were  sometimes  exacted  from 
the  customary  tenants  now  greatly  reduced  in  num- 
ber. Ten  men  who  were  called  upon  to  dig  in 
Chapel waterlete  in  141  5  ""  de  prece  \  received  only 
two  pennyworth  of  bread.  Some  men  and  women 
working  in  the  same  year  among  the  beans  in  the 
field  known  as  Avelham  were  given  mutton,  pork, 
oatmeal,  bread,  cheese,  salt  and  beer,  but  no  wages.  ^ 

In  the  inquisitions  taken  after  the  deaths  of  Sir 
Hugh  Luttrell  in  1428  and  Sir  John  Luttrell  in  1430, 
'  rents  of  assise  '  amounting  to  i  o/.  ^s.  j\d.  are  de- 
scribed as  payable  by  free  tenants.  There  is,  however, 
no  mention  of  villeins  or  copyholders.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  demesne  at  Dunster  and  Carhampton  is 
returned  as  larger  than  on  former  occasions,  and  the 
lord  is  credited  with  owning  no  less  than  sixty-six 
messuages  of  the  yearly  value  of  8^.  apiece.  *     Al- 

'  D.C.M.  IX.  3  ;  XIV.  15,  19.  4  inq.  post  mortem,  6  Hen.  VI.  no.  32; 

=  D.C.M.  X.  I.  9  Hen.  VI.  no.  51. 

3  D.C.M.  XI.  I. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  319 

though  the  villein  could  obtain  protection  in  the 
manorial  court,  the  royal  courts  were  wont  to  regard 
his  land  as  part  of  the  lord's  demesne.  ^  None  of 
the  local  rolls  contain  any  reference  to  the  fact  that 
Carhampton  had  formed  part  of  the  '  ancient  demesne  ' 
of  the  Crown,  which  might  have  conferred  certain 
privileges  on  the  tenants.  * 

There  are  several  references  to  villeinage  in  the 
court-rolls  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  the  Sixth.  In  1439,  Nicholas  son  of  Payn 
Ekedene  paid  3J-.  4^.  as  head-money  for  leave  to  be 
absent  for  a  twelvemonth.  ^  Ten  years  later,  there 
is  the  following  entry  : — 

"  The  bailiff  is  in  mercy  because  he  has  not  distrained 
John  Stone,  the  lord's  bondman  of  blood,  to  answer  the 
lord  for  having  sent  his  son  John  to  the  schools  without 
licence,  contrary  to  the  custom,  2^-  "  * 

The  roll  for  1429  contains  a  full  transcript  of  an 
inquisition  taken  at  Crowcombe  before  the  steward 
of  Richard  Biccombe,  lord  of  that  manor,  certifying 
that  a  certain  Richard  West  and  his  sons  had  always 
been  free  men.  '  Some  member  of  the  family  may 
have  wished  to  migrate. 

One  of  the  most  onerous  conditions  of  unfree  status 
was  the  liability  of  having  to  serve  as  reeve.  His 
duty  it  was  to  exact  from  the  other  villeins  the  manual 
works  that  they  owed  to  the  lord,  and  it  is  easy  to 
imagine  the  bickering  that  must  have  arisen  when  he 
called  men  away  from  their  little  holdings.  One 
might  dispute  the  amount  of  service  claimed  ;  another 
might  simply  attempt  to  procrastinate,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  attend  to  his  own  crops  in  favourable  weather. 

1  Pollock  and  Maitland's  History  of         '  D.C.M.  xviii.  4. 

English  Law,  vol.  i.  p.  363.  *  D.C.M.  xvm.  6. 

-  Ibid.  pp.  383-406.  *  D.C.M.  XVIII.  5. 

320  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

Small  wonder  then  that  the  more  prosperous  villeins 
were  generally  anxious  to  avoid  an  unprofitable  and 
thankless  task.  In  1430,  nobody  could  be  found  to 
undertake  it  at  Carhampton,  and  the  '  homage  '  was 
accordingly  amerced  at  the  '  lawday  '  of  Michaelmas 
term.  ^  As  the  lands  held  in  villeinage  were  gradually 
converted  into  copyholds  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Sixth,  the  tenants,  taking  them  under  fresh  conditions, 
were  careful  to  stipulate  in  court  that  they  and  their 
successors  should  not  be  called  upon  to  serve  the  office 
of  reeve.  ^  This  led  to  a  fresh  tax  upon  those  who 
had  not  been  thus  emancipated.  In  the  account  for 
1 460,  the  heading  "  new  rent  "  records  the  receipt  of 
a  shilling  apiece  from  thirty-eight  persons  for  exempt- 
ion from  service  as  reeve  of  Dunster  and  Carhampton. "* 
An  exactly  similar  levy  was  made  at  Minehead  in  the 
following  year.  *  Considering  that  there  could  not 
be  more  than  one  reeve  in  each  manor,  it  seems 
obvious  that  the  lord  got  a  fresh  source  of  income. 
The  "  new  rent  for  dyscharging  of  the  reveshippe  " 
is  mentioned  in  the  Carhampton  accounts  as  late  as 
1529.  ^  By  this  time  conditions  had  altered  so  ma- 
terially that  no  reeve  was  really  wanted.  Rents  of 
assise  "  both  of  freemen  and  bondmen  {natworuni) 
are  mentioned  in  1533.  ^ 

There  is  a  memorandum  of  the  year  1 648  that  a 
certain  Rice  Richards,  who  then  held  a  house  in 
Gallockstreet  at  Dunster  on  a  lease  for  lives,  was 
bound  "  to  pay,  besides  \s.  rent  per  annum,  one 
journey  with  a  horse  and  cart  or  butt  from  Minehead, 
or  1 2d.  in  Hew  therof  per  annum.  "  ^ 

In   addition  to  the   customary  services  and  '  boon- 

1  D.C.M.  XVIII.  6.  5  D.C.M.  xix.  4,  8  ;  XX.  38. 

*  Ihid.  6  D.C.M.  XIX.  9. 

*  D.C.M.  XVIII.  4.  7  D.C.M.  III.  12. 

*  D.C.M.  I.  27. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  321 

works '  of  villeins  in  Dunster  and  Carhampton,  the 
medieval  lord  of  the  manor  received  some  agricultural 
help  from  men  of  a  much  higher  social  position.  By 
a  somewhat  uncommon  arrangement,  the  Prior  of  the 
Benedictine  cell  at  Dunster,  the  lords  of  the  manors 
of  Avill  and  Withycombe,  and  the  owner  of  land 
called  Gillcotts  (Gildencote)  were  alike  bound  to 
provide  a  wagon  with  two  men  and  eight  oxen  to 
carry  corn  or  hay  for  a  day  apiece.  Inasmuch  as  the 
Mohuns  and  their  successors,  the  Luttrells,  had  to 
supply  food  for  the  wagoners,  these  'carriage-works' 
were  valued  at  only  a  shilling  apiece.  ^  In  1376,  one 
of  them  was  actually  performed,  the  other  three  being 
'  sold,  '  or  commuted.  The  history  of  the  work 
due  from  the  manor  of  Withycombe  is  obscure,  and  the 
works  due  from  Gillcotts  and  the  Prior  of  Dunster 
cannot  have  continued  after  the  acquisition  of  both 
these  places  by  the  Luttrells  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
With  regard  to  the  fourth  work,  however,  there  is 
an  interesting  entry  in  a  rental  of  1648,  showing  that 
John  Stocker,  esquire,  paid  a  shilling  a  year  as  a  '  high 
rent '  in  respect  of  Avill  to  George  Luttrell,  as  lord 
of  the  manor  of  Carhampton  Barton.  This  was  quite 
distinct  from  his  feodary  rent  to  the  Barony  of  Dun- 
ster, his  common  fine  to  the  Hundred  of  Carhampton, 
and  his  Candlemas  rent.  ^  Although  he  was  presum- 
ably ignorant  of  its  origin,  it  may  clearly  be  said  to 
represent  the  old  commutation  for  non-performance 
of  a  '  carriage-work.  '  By  1 746,  it  had  disappeared 
from  the  rental. 

The  Mohun  Cartulary  contains  a  copy  of  part  of 
a  very  curious  treatise  on  husbandry  written  in  French 
in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth    century   for  the 

>  D.C.M.  IX.  2,  3  ;  xvm.  2,  4  ;  xix.  4 ;  »  D.C.M.  iii.  12. 

XX.  38  ;  XXXII.  13. 

322  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

benefit  of  the  lord  of  Dunster  or  one  of  his  principal 
agents.  In  explaining  the  system  that  should  be  fol- 
lowed, it  probably  illustrates  that  which  was  in  force 
at  the  time.  The  earlier  portion  being  unfortunately 
missing,  the  document  deals  only  with  arrangements 
subsequent  to  the  harvest.  It  prescribes  three  valua- 
tions of  the  crops  to  be  made  after  the  gathering  of 
them  into  barns,  and  before  the  threshing.  The  first 
of  these  was  to  be  made  by  the  sworn  '  homage, '  men 
presumably  chosen  at  the  court  baron  of  the  manor. 
The  writer,  however,  states  that  it  would  not  be  well 
to  attach  too  much  credit  to  this  valuation,  as  the 
members  of  the  '  homage  '  might  be  afraid  of  being 
held  responsible  if  the  yield  should  not  eventually 
come  up  to  their  expectations.  The  second  valuation 
was  to  be  made  by  the  bailiff,  sworn  upon  the  book 
of  the  Gospels.  The  third  was  to  be  made  by  the 
auditors  of  the  lord's  accounts,  or,  in  their  absence, 
by  the  steward  or  the  constable,  with  two  or  three 
trustworthy  neighbours  experienced  in  such  matters, 
and  two  or  three  of  the  older  threshers  who  knew  the 
barns  and  were  competent  to  estimate  the  yield  of  every 
sheaf  and  mow  {chescun  tasse  e  meye).  After  these  three 
valuations,  the  lord  would  be  able,  with  the  advice 
of  his  council,  to  say  how  much  grain  would  be  want- 
ed for  his  household,  and  how  much  could  be  offered 
for  sale. 

The  treatise  then  prescribes  the  appointment  by 
the  lord  and  his  council  of  a  faithful  '  granger, '  who 
was  to  be  supplied  with  a  horse.  It  was  considered 
that  one  such  officer  would  suffice  for  the  manors 
of  Dunster,  Minehead,  and  Kilton,  all  belonging  to 
the  Mohun  demesne.  When  the  lord  or  the  lady 
was  in  residence  at  the  Castle,  he  was  to  have  his 
meals  at  their  board  ;  at  other  times  he  was  to  eat  in 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  323 

the  Benedictine  Priory,  or,  failing  this,  in  the  house 
of  some  respectable  townsman,  avoiding,  however,  the 
tables  of  the  bailiff  and  the  reeve,  so  that  he  should 
not  be  tempted  into  dishonest  ways.  These  arrange- 
ments suggest  that  the  granger  was  not  to  be  one  of 
the  tenants  ordinarily  resident  on  the  spot. 

The  granger  was  to  be  made  to  swear  that  whenever 
he  should  come  to  Dunster  to  superintend  the  thresh- 
ing, he  would  securely  lock  and  seal  the  doors  of 
the  barns  every  evening.  Furthermore,  he  was  not 
to  be  trusted  with  the  custody  of  the  keys,  and  he 
was  to  be  required  to  deliver  them  duly  sealed  to  the 
constable  of  the  Castle,  to  the  Prior,  or  to  some  other 
trusty  person  nominated  by  the  lord.  When  at  Mine- 
head  or  at  Kilton  for  a  like  purpose,  boarding  with  the 
Vicar,  he  was  to  deliver  the  keys  to  his  host  every 
evening.  Considering  that  these  parsons  were  not 
dependent  upon  the  lord  of  Dunster,  it  may  seem 
strange  that  they  should  be  expected  to  receive  his 
servant  and   undertake   responsibility   on    his   behalf. 

The  treatise  alludes  more  than  once  to  a  '  chariour 
e  bernbrutte^ '  who  seems  to  have  had  some  author- 
ity over  the  threshers.  Among  various  sayings 
quoted  by  the  author,  there  is  one  to  the  effect  that 
even  if  a  man  employed  his  own  brother  as  a  thresher 
he  must  watch  him  with  eyes  before  and  behind. 
The  husks  were  to  be  re-threshed  if  necessary,  and  no 
residues  were  to  be  given  away  for  the  sustenance  of 
the  destriers,  palfreys,  or  horses  of  the  steward,  the 
constable,  the  bailiff  or  the  reeve.  Placed  in  a  separ- 
ate store-house,  they  would  be  useful  for  the  lord's 
capons,  hens,  chickens  and  pigeons. 

Another  saying  quoted  runs  : — 

"  Qui  de  poy  ne  tient  conte 
de  leger  va  a  haunte.  " 

324  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

The  anonymous  author  suggests  that  the  bailiff  or 
some  other  officer  should,  during  the  threshing  in 
August,  cause  the  produce  of  every  tenth  or  twentieth 
sheaf  of  corn  to  be  put  aside,  as  a  criterion  of  the 
amount  that  the  whole  crop  should  yield.  The  bailiff 
and  the  '  chariour '  or  '  bernbrutte  '  were  alike  to  be 
forbidden  to  distribute  or  sell  grain  to  any  person 
whatever  otherwise  than  by  the  standard  bushel 
sanctioned  by  royal  ordinance,  "  without  heap  or 

The  treatise  concludes  with  a  recommendation 
that  the  '  launds  '  of  Marshwood  Park,  comprising 
four  hundred  acres,  should  be  ploughed  and  sown, 
and  that  the  remainder  of  it  should  be  enclosed  to 
contain  the  deer.  If  cowhouses  and  storehouses 
were  established  there,  Marshwood  might,  in  the 
writer's  opinion,  be  made  to  yield  more  profit  than 
all  the  demesne  of  Dunster. 

Among  the  endowments  given  by  William  de 
Mohun  to  the  monks  of  Bath,  before  the  year  i  loo, 
was  the  tithe  of  his  vines  at  Dunster,  which  would 
not  have  been  mentioned  in  his  charter  unless  account- 
ed of  some  value.  ^  The  expense  of  cultivating  the 
vineyard  there  and  the  sale  of  the  Ybcal  wine  are  alike 
mentioned  in  1 177.  ^  An  '  extent  '  of  the  manor  of 
Dunster  made  in  1266,  shows  that  thirty-four  of  the 
villeins  were  required  to  dig  half  a  perch  apiece  in 
the  lord's  vineyard  [in  vite)  every  year,  each  of  these 
works  being  assessed  at  ^d.  ^  It  further  states  that 
the  vineyard  comprised  seven  acres.  *  The  produce 
of  the  vineyard  was,  in  1 279,  valued  at  i  8j-.  ^  In 
1284,  there  is  mention  of  a  wine-press   [pressorium) 

1  Two  Chartularies  of  Bath  (S.R.S.),  *  Mohun  Cartulary. 

C.  no.  34.  *  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Edvv.  I.  file 

«  Pipe  Roll,  23  Hen.  II.  22  (i). 
*  D.C.M.  VIII.  4. 

CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  325 

and  in  i  376  of  a  '  keeper  of  the  vines  '  who  received  a 
regular  salary,  his  duties  doubtless  requiring  special 
skill  and  care.  '  The  exact  position  of  the  Dunster 
vineyard  is  specified  in  a  deed  of  the  year  141 9,  which 
shows  it  to  have  occupied  the  sunny  slope  at  the  back 
of  the  house  now  known  as  the  Luttrell  Arms  Hotel. ' 
There  was  also  a  vineyard  at  Minehead,  and  the 
last  Lady  de  Mohun  used  to  have  wine  sent  to  her 
therefrom  after  she  had  ceased  to  reside  in  Somerset. ' 

Her  successor  at  Dunster,  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell,  event- 
ually abolished  the  vineyard,  turning  it  into  ordinary 
pasture  within  the  Hanger  Park.  He  had  crossed 
the  seas  several  times,  and  he  may  well  have  preferred 
the  wine  of  Bordeaux  to  any  that  could  be  made  on 
his  own  estate.  The  name  of  '  le  Wynard, '  how- 
ever, survived  some  time  in  the  yearly  accounts  of 
the  reeve  of  Carhampton  Barton  and  Dunster.  * 

A  rental  of  the  manor  of  Carhampton  Barton  in 
1648,  and  a  survey  made  seven  years  later,  show  several 
classes  of  tenants.  A  few  freeholders  were  still  paying 
*  high  rents  '  of  small  amount  although  of  great 
antiquity.  There  were  forty-seven  copyhold  estates 
and  twenty-eight  leasehold  estates.  Practically,  how- 
ever, there  was  not  much  difference  between  them. 
Copyholders  and  leaseholders  alike  paid  low  rents, 
the  lord  exacting  a  heavy  fine  on  the  expiration  of  a 
tenancy,  and  a  heriot  on  the  death  of  each  tenant  of 
an  estate  created  for  two  or  three  lives.  By  this  date 
the  manor  had  ceased  to  extend  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  parish,  though  in  itself  much  smaller  than  the 
parish.  In  at  least  one  of  the  subsisting  leases  there 
was  a  stipulation  that  the  tenant  should  have  her 
corn  ground  at  the  Dunster  mill.      In  other  respects, 

1  Miscellanea  (Chancery),  bundle  3,  '  D.C.M.  xxvi.  2. 

no.  21,  (5-7)  ;  D.C.M.  ix.  2.  *  D.C.M.  xi.  i  ;  xviii.  2. 

»  D.C.M.  I.  4  ;  VIII.  2. 

326  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

the  separation  of  Carhampton  from  Dunster  was  com- 
plete. The  manorial  courts  of  Carhampton  were 
discontinued  in  1867. 

A  similar  survey  of  the  manor  of  Dunster  in  1650 
specifies  thirty-one  leasehold  estates,  yielding  altogether 
only  1 2/.  ijs.  a  year,  held  for  lives  and  subject  to  fines 
on  renewal  and  heriots  on  succession.  The  copyholders 
had  entirely  disappeared.  On  the  other  hand  there  is 
a  list  of  "  Dunster  rents  called  St.  Burye's  Rents,  " 
collected  quarterly  by  the  bailiff  of  the  borough.  ^ 
Considering  that  there  was  no  connexion  between 
Dunster  and  the  Cornish  St.  Buryan,  the  name  seems 
at  first  sight  rather  puzzling.  It  appears,  however, 
that,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  first  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell, 
his  eldest  son,  John,  demised  certain  burgages  and 
lands  to  Reynold  Seynesbury  and  Margaret  his  wife, 
and  afterwards  settled  them  on  their  daughter,  Cather- 
ine the  wife  of  Thomas  Cook  of  Exeter.  ^  Some  of 
the  details  of  the  transaction  are  obscure,  but  it  seems 
to  have  comprised  all  lands  in  the  western  part  of 
Dunster  that  were  then  in  the  lord's  hand,  either  as  part 
of  the  original  demesne,  as  purchases,  or  as  escheats. 
The  accounts  of  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth  record 
the  receipt  of  rents  for  '  Saynsbery  londes.  '  ^ 

At  the  time  of  the  Domesday  Survey  of  1086, 
there  were  two  mills  at  '  Torre  '  which  yielded  i  os. 
a  year  to  William  de  Mohun.  The  gradual  but 
steady  increase  in  their  value  is  not  without  interest 
from  an  economical  point  of  view.  As  early  as  the 
year  1279,  it  had  risen  to  2/.  13^.4^.*  In  1329,  Sir 
John  de  Mohun  demised  his  two  corn-mills  [molyns 
blaers)    at  Dunster,  with  the  services  of  his  men  due 

'  D.C.M.  III.  12.  <  Inq.  post  mortem,  C.  Edw.  I.  file 

'  D.C.M.  VIII.  2.  22  (i). 

»  D.C.M.  XIX.  9. 


CH.  IX.      A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.  327 

thereto,  to  one  of  the  burgesses  named  Walter  Rughe, 
at  a  rent  of  24  marks,  that  is  to  say  16/.  ^  In  1405, 
the  advisory  council  of  Sir  Hugh  Luttrell  granted  a 
lease  of  them  for  sixty  years  at  a  rent  of  10/.  upon 
condition  that  the  tenants  should  do  all  repairs,  if 
supplied  with  such  timber  as  might  be  necessary  for 
the  purpose.  ^ 

Inasmuch  as  the  mills  belonged  absolutely  to  the 
lord,  the  rent  arising  from  them  was  never  confounded 
with  the  rent  of  the  little  freeholders.  In  some  doc- 
uments indeed  it  is  entered  under  the  heading  of  the 
manor  of  Carhampton  Barton,  as  distinguished  from 
that  of  the  borough  of  Dunster.  ^  The  '  services  ' 
mentioned  above  consisted  of  course  in  every  tenant's 
bringing  his  corn  to  be  ground  at  these  mills.  The 
privileged  miller  had  no  rivals  to  fear,  the  mill  at 
Avill,  in  the  parish  of  Dunster,  being  in  a  different 
manor,  and  not  belonging  to  the  lord  of  the  Castle. 
Needless  to  say  that  the  records  of  the  court  of  Dunster 
contain  frequent  complaints  that  he  levied  exorbitant 
charges  upon  his  helpless  clients. 

In  1427,  William  Person,  the  lessee  of  the  two 
ancient  mills,  erected  a  third,  adjoining  the  Lower  Mill, 
the  new  rent  of  which  was  fixed  at  only  2/.  6s.  8^. 
in  consideration  of  his  capital  outlay.  *  Thus  in 
143 1  and  long  afterwards,  there  were  three  mills, 
known  respectively  as  the  '  Overmylle,  '  the  '  Nether- 
mylle,  '  and  the  '  Newmylle.  '  ^  In  1620,  the  first 
of  these  was  called  '  the  Higher  Mill,  '  while  the 
other  two,  united  under  one  roof,  were  called  '  the 
Lower  Mill.  '  "^  By  1739,  the  rent  of  the  water 
grist-mills  had   been  raised  to  22/.      In  1777,  it  was 

'  D.C.M.  viii.  2.  *  D.C.M.  XI.  3  ;  xviii.  4. 

*  D.C.M.  X.  2.  *  Iiiq.  post  mortiin,9  Hen.  VI.  no.  51. 

*  D.C.M.  XVIII.  2,  4;  XIX.  Q  ;  Inq.  post  "^  I). CM.  xv.  10. 
mortem,  9  Hen.  VI.  no.  51, 

328  A  HISTORY  OF  DUNSTER.      ch.  ix. 

35/.  loj.  The  Upper  Mill  has  entirely  disappeared. 
The  Lower  Mill,  with  two  wheels,  was  partly  rebuilt 
in  1 80 1  upon  the  old  site,  and  perhaps  to  some  extent 
according  to  the  old  design,  some  of  the  windows 
being  pointed.  Nestling  amid  lofty  trees  immediately 
under  the  precipitous  slope  of  the  Tor,  and  close  to 
a  clear  stream  fringed  with  dock-leaves  and  meadow- 
sweet, the  grist-mill  of  Dunster  has  long  been  a  favour- 
ite subject  with  artists  and  photographers.  In  1886, 
just  eight  hundred  years  after  the  compilation  of 
Domesday  Book,  the  rent  of  the  mill  was  fixed  at 
40/.,  eighty  times  the  nominal  amount  of  its  value  in 
the  reign  of  William  the  Conqueror.  The  wheels, 
however,  often  stand  idle  nowadays,  the  lessee  having 
a  more  important  mill  at  Minehead. 

A  quaint  little  bridge,  just  below  the  mill,  consid- 
erably altered  by  Henry  Fownes  Luttrell  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  may  represent  the  Mill-bridge 
mentioned  in  medieval  records. 



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